Amalgamation of Cultures

Yazzie R

June 4, 2015

By: Julie Foong

Today, we started heading out of the hostel at 9:30am to meet Professor Brito’s friend, Cristiane, who is working on her degree in history and is a director of a public school, for a city tour. Our first stop was the Igreja de Nossa Senhora do Rosário dos Homens Pretos (Church of Our Lady of the Rosary of Black Men) which was built 300 years ago and is one of the symbols of Afro-Brazilian culture in São Paulo. In its immediate surroundings, there was a statue of a mother breast feeding a child. In the context of slavery, the children that benefited from this lady’s breast milk would not necessarily be her own, but of her master’s children. This statue was a comment on the history of the mixing of race, as some masters would force themselves on their slaves. Often time, these slaves would take on the role of the mãe preta (Black mother), and care for the master’s children (Goldstein, 2013:41). In placing this symbol in front of a church, it also puts forth the idea that she was prepared by God for this role, to become a mother for all of us and she is seen by many Brazilians as a quasi Saint.

Along the way, we encountered buildings covered in specific graffiti. Professor Barnum recounted a trip 2 years ago, when he recognized certain buildings that were being occupied by Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem Teto (Brazil’s Homeless People’s Movement) which is loosely affiliated with the Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem Terra (Brazil’s Landless Workers Movement, aka MST). The homeless would enter unoccupied buildings and stay in them for a period of time, which then allowed them to fight for the rights of the buildings to achieve housing and shelter. It is one of the largest and most successful movements in Brazilian history. Although MST has not managed to win the occupied buildings we passed, they were branded with the logo and it was evident that they have a footprint on the urban landscape.

Next, we had a juice break at a local neighborhood store. I was fortunate enough to sit at the table where Cristiane joined us and our professors provided the translation. Alejandro asked the first question: “What are you passionate about,” to which she answered that she was an educator, an elementary school teacher. She felt that she wanted to impact the next generation and help mold their attitudes regarding class, race, and other social factors before society solidifies the preconceived notions and prejudices that guide adults. This prompted my series of questions about what kind of situations could stimulate such teaching moments, how the children typically react, and a relation back to psychological treatments. Cristiane responded that the children she worked with typically come from bad situations and they have a tendency to enact the violence and language they observe at home and in their communities. When they approach their peer in the same way, she will get them to reflect about why it is not right, which usually influences the children to realize the impact of their actions and guide their future behavior. As a Psychology major, I was interested in her coping mechanisms as she deals with such tricky situations. She mentioned that it does get hard and she gets sad. Although therapy is an option for educators to pour their emotions out, it is costly here as well, at about US $100 per session (my guess of about 50-60 minutes). When limits get reached, some teachers cannot continue and choose to leave their profession. Despite the difficulties she shared with us, it was also heart-warming to hear of her determination and desire to help others. In the counseling profession, counselors typically have a clinic with a handful of other counselors who are able to provide professional opinions and a listening ear. It is my hope that educators will understand this and somehow apply it to their profession and colleagues.

During this time, another group of students had engaged in a meaningful conversation which was prompted by our visits to the multiple churches. Each was curious with each other’s religious beliefs and started to question how and why they believed them, given that many contradictions existed between and within the religions they were familiar with. They related it back to culture and shared their thoughts on how society impacted the religions, but also how the religions impacted society. This dualism has helped create the uniqueness of the many countries in the world, of which we were starting to notice in Brazil, where its people are mainly Catholic.

We did a few more other buildings and headed to the Municipal Market for lunch. The market displayed and sold many varieties of fruits that are not found in the United States. However, fruits like rambutan, dragon fruit, soursop, and mangosteen, can be found in my home, Singapore, and that made me really happy to see familiar fruits. The vendors even had raw cacao, from which cocoa is derived. It is commonly prepared as a fruit juice in Brazil, which tastes nothing like the manufactured product of chocolate. It has many health benefits like reduction of blood pressure and the protection of one’s nervous system (Wilson, 2014). The market was crowded with tourists, locals, and hungry shoppers. Eventually, we settled down at Mortadela da Cidade, which served Italian-style sandwiches, where the cheese was surrounded by plenty of meat and stuffed between a baguette. Fun fact, Brazil has the most Italians, Japanese, and Arabs, outside of their native countries and regions. We were satisfied and had good conversations that enabled us to continue on with our adventure.

In the early evening, we were offered an optional activity of attending the 15th Annual LGBT Cultural Festival. Besides Professor Barnum and Professor Brito, four of us decided to join them. White tents were set up, which we saw earlier in the day, were now bustling and hustling with activity, offering food, beverages, and souvenirs. There was also a stage in the courtyard nearby where drag queens and other performers were strutting their talents and entertained the crowd that gathered.

We sure have gotten to experience the many flavors of São Paulo and are excited to see what else the city will offer in our time here.

Goldstein, Donna M. (2013) Laugher Out of Place: Race, Class, Violence, and Sexuality In a Rio Shantytown. University of California Press: Berkeley, CA.

Wilson, S. (2014). Raw cacao vs cocoa: What’s the difference?. Retrieved from www.foodmatters.tv/content/raw-cacao-vs-cocoa-whats-the-difference

Struggle for Recognition: Afro-Brazilian Women

Yazzie,R.Rio

June 2, 2015

By: Edgar Estrada

The group began its 10:00 am morning with a bus ride headed from Copacabana to Morro de Urca (Mountain of Urca). Arriving at Morro de Urca, we proceeded to take a cable car up Pau de Açucar (Sugar Loaf Moutain), which provides an encompassing view of Rio de Janeiro´s landscape. Sugar Loaf mountain has two stations at different altitudes that allows the viewer  enjoy different angles of Rio.

At around 3:00 p.m., the group actively engaged and participated in a talk with Dora Silva Santana, an Afro-Brazilian trans woman and 2nd year Ph.D. student in Africana/African Diaspora studies at the University of Texas, called “Look! Hyper/in/visibilties and black trans experiences”. Dora is interested and studies black feminism, queer theory, and the lives of black trans people in Brazil. She is particularly and intimately interested in the process of “transitioning” of trans-individuals in Rio within the context of race, gender, income, and geography.

Dora opened the conversation by making the distinction between “cis gendered indivduals”, people who agree with their assigned gender at birth, and “trans gendered individuals”, which are people who don’t identify with the gender assigned to them at birth, and highlighted the reality of their different experiences. Dora brought to our attention the notions of the “standard body”, bodies that conform to the societal norms of beauty, gender, and behavior, and how trans-individuals do not meet these limiting societal expectations. Transgender bodies are underprivileged in most intersectional aspects of society (race, class, gender) and have their lives controlled and manipulated by larger institutional forces (i.e. policies, healthcare, and education). Dora continued the conversation by adding that the privileges which she speaks of are the “instances in which you are not questioned to have access to specific resources”, to essentially live

Dora highlighted the importance of acknowledging the (mis)(re)presentation of Black trans lives and experiences. Specifically, black Brazilian trans women face the issue of ‘misgendering’, attributing the wrong gender to an individual, and ignoring the self-ascribed identity and everyday struggles of the trans individual(s) and community. “I have the right to feel a certain way. I have the right to be angry”, asserted Dora. She is a scholar who is trying to expand people’s imagination by shedding light to the current struggles of a highly unrecognized, marginalized group and create an open, safe space for people who have to deal with racism and sexism in their everyday lives.

Half an hour later, in our next talk called “Economic autonomy: A focus on entrepreneurship”, Daise Rosas Natividade connected entrepreneurship and the economy with race and gender in Brazil, specifically in Rio. Daise spoke of the struggles of Black women in Brazil who are offered and given the jobs with the least pay and lowest economic return. Women in Brazil often find it very difficult to get into a high economic position because the best paying jobs are given to men. Women and especially black women are typically left with domestic jobs such as nannies or waitresses that offer little to no stable financial security (Neuwirth 2005:26). Daise works with Black Pages Brazil, an organization that voices the rights and deserved equality of women by working on policies that expand the entrepreneurship opportunities and economic standing of black Brazilian women.

Women in Brazil have gradually obtained a space in Brazilian politics and economics. Daise helps and strengthens the image of Brazilian women by providing a lens where they can be seen as autonomous individuals who have the full potential to be self sufficient and financially successful. In all, emerging waves of civil activists in Brazil are working to develop and sustain safe spaces for marginalized individuals and communities, particularly Brazilian women, that are left behind by structures that exist and work on racist and sexist grounds.

Neuwirth, Robert. Shadow Cities: A Billion Squatters a New Urban World. Great Britain: Routledge. 2005. 26-65. Print.
http://blackpagesbrazil.com.br/

Posto do Rio de Janeiro and Samba No Campo

Pulz M

June 1, 2015

By: Estiven Rodriguez

Today we woke up in a slightly rainy and foggy Copacabana. Our day started with a 7 hour tour of Rio de Janeiro’s most popular places. Our first destination was the neighborhood and beach of Leme, located at the end of Copacabana where surfing and exercising are popular activities. Besides the high fitness and surfing culture, Leme is a popular fishing spot, where many Brazilians go.

Our second destination was Copacabana Palace, a 5-star hotel built by Brazil’s President back in 1923 to hold a large amount of guests. Some people may think quantity is not quality but this is not the case for Copacabana Palace, which has received many high quality guest like Madonna and the Pope.

Our third destination was an astonishing view from the elevator, Mirante da Paz, where the poor are constantly reminded of their class position. The Mirante da Paz faces many of the areas where Brazil’s wealthier residents live. In fact, at the elevator I remember hearing that people of the Favela did not have access to this transportation until the pacification of their Favela in 2010. The people of the Favela are restricted access to the city because they are often regarded as violent and dangerous according to Rio’s affluent population. The irony in the experience at the elevator was that minutes later there was an Audi A4 model 2015 valued at $65,000. This contrast in class is often normal in Rio because the top 3% own about ⅔ of the land. It is also important to note that a lot of people in the Favelas won’t make $65,000 in their lifetime. Finally, we ended our tour of Rio de Janeiro at Copabana’s fortress established in 1889 and a boat tour of Ilha Fiscal. Ilha Fiscal was an island that served as customs for Rio.  The building was built by slaves and it was the scene of the last ball held for the empire by royal family.

The day ended with my favorite event yet, a Brazilian soccer game. Brazilian soccer has been my passion since I witnessed Ronaldo, Rivaldo and Ronaldihno run circles around the Germans with their samba on their way to a 5th world cup. However, today I realized that Brazilian football isn’t just a game but an event where people of all social classes enjoy “joga bonito” together. At the stadium there were people of all races black, brown and white. One of the first times I was able to see different people of different races in the same location. However, it became evident that Flumininse fans were lighter while Flamengo fans were mostly black. The day before the game I asked one of the workers at the hostel about both teams. It was clear that he saw the female Flumininse fans as more attractive after he mentioned that the fans were richer. In Brazil, the rich populations are white therefore he found these women more attractive because still in Brazil the more white you look the more appealing you are. Actually at one of the stadiums corners there was a sign that said we are all equal. This sign is a representation of Brazil’s issue with inequality because your social class will influence which team you will root for and is often related to your race.  Actually in Brazil racism is illegal. This means that anyone found guilty of racism can face a fine and possibly jail time. In fact racism in Brazil is so controversial that in 2014 the club Gremio was banned from the second leg of Brazil’s Cup and fined 50,000 reais because Gremio’s fans shouted monkey chants to the opposite team’s goalkeeper. In relation to Brazil’s biggest star, in the article “The Whitening of Neymar: How Color is lived in Brazil”, Prabhala (2008) states that “Neymar is only the latest in a long line of celebrities and Brazilians of lesser value who get it. Who get the fine print on the contract; who understands the national identity rest on racial harmony, which, in turn rest on a kid of potential access to opportunity. Not the opportunity to be equal, mind you the opportunity to be white”. Neymar was Brazil’s biggest star at only 17 when his hair was black and before the process of whitening. However, as soon as he changed his hair color he became top magazines most sought celebrity, even sharing the cover of a top magazine with Brazil’s “most beautiful woman”, who is also white, Gisele Bundchen. While in Brazil I have yet to see a cover that shows a Brazilian of African descent therefore Neymar was only able to become an elite public figure after whitening.

I also observed gender inequality in the stadium, somebody noticed that there were a lot of men’s restroom and only one for women. The Maracaná might be a modern stadium after its renovation but in Brazil’s soccer games more men are expected than woman. In Brazil it is more socially acceptable for men to be football fans than woman. Despite all these social issues Flamengo ended up losing 3-2 and we observed Brazil’s problems as they affect “Joga Bonito”.

Prabhala, Achal. (2008). “The Whitening of Neymar: How Color is Lived in Brazil.” Screamer.  Retrieved June, 1, 2015. (http://screamer.deadspin.com/the-whitening-of-neymar-how-color-is-lived-in-brazil-1601716830). Originally Published in Africa is a Country.

Beauty Beneath the Struggle

Pineda J  Rio

May 31, 2015

By: Robert Hill and Edgar Estrada

Our 9:30 morning greeted us early with sprinkling rain. Our first stop was to two communities (favelas) named Cantagalo and Pavão-Pavãozinho, which are ‘pacified’. ‘Pacification’ occurs supposedly after the police take control and “area secured, government services – such as health care, education, cultural facilities, and civil courts – move in”, (Parenti 2011:162). We took an approximate 15 minute subway ride from Copacabana to arrive at the first community, Cantagalo. In order to reach the community, we needed to take an elevator and two flights of stairs that were connecting the subway station to Cantagalo. Upon entering Cantagalo, we were immediately noticed by the residents and cordially greeted with smiles. Every single house had a large, blue water storage tank either on top of the roof or on the side. Our first conversation was with another visitor named Alan Soares, who spoke English. Soares met us early on in the entrance of Cantagalo and immediately opened up a safe space for conversation by sharing with the group his story of how he became a tour guide for the community. He mentioned that he was not born and raised in the community, but felt a strong sense of civic urgency and responsibility to help the community break away from stereotypes that foreigners have of ‘Favelas’. Soon after, another tour guide named Rita took over.  She is a journalist, DJ, and social activist at the ‘Museu de Favela’.

We were asked to not take pictures of the houses or the people in the community, out of respect for the persons and privacy, but also partially for our own protection as well. Along the way into the Museu de Favela, the group was shown several murals that were painted across community walls that conveyed stories about the history of Cantagalo. These graffiti paintings, also called “Casas Tela” (House Canvas), compose the collection of the Museu de Favela. Soon after, we reached the administration building of the Museu and it consisted of a computer room, a book room, a rooftop projector that provided the community with weekend screenings, and a store that had handmade souvenirs (hair decorations, cases, decorations, bags, and ornaments) that were made by members of the community.

As a ‘pacified favela’ Cantagalo and Pavão-Pavãozinho have a Police Pacification Unit, Unidade de Polícia Pacificadora (UPP), which is distinguishably the best maintained building in the community. Our tour guide made it very clear that living in the ‘favelas’ does not necessarily make people poor, but rather how they are just normal people living normal lives. Individuals and families residing in these communities; have enough to eat, are smart, and have the freedom to do as they please. They have a system of living that allows them to be self-sufficient. They disapprove of the misconception that they are ‘powerless’ and poor. The tour guide continued to break popular misconceptions of ‘favelas’ by adding that people live comfortably with one another.  Rita made it clear that the goal of the museum is to create jobs and help people in the communities be their own entrepreneurs by owning grocery stores, restaurants, clothing stores, etc.

Once the group returned from the Cantagalo and Pavão-Pavãozinho Communities, we ate lunch and had one hour to regroup and prepare for our next speaker, Ms. Maria Amelia Vilanova, who works for Brazil’s IBGE.  IBGE or the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics is Brazil’s equivalent to the United States Census and collects geographical data and statistics for the entire country. Ms. Villanova gave us some vital information about the landscape, Brazil’s geography and how it pertained to the resources in the area. The first point she made, however, was that we must not allow the favela to dictate our perception of Brazil. She made it evident to us that there are too many different areas and aspects of the country for the group to create an image of Brazil that would only be the cement homes of the favela and that even the term favela hides the other kinds of poor housing in Brazil. For this reason, IBGE uses the term “subnormal agglomerates” to refer to informal settlements.

Vilanova discussed a multitude of valuable facts which allowed us to juxtapose a lot of our readings to tangible current data about the favela. Her description of the favela as a “subnormal” area and the description of the area as “four dimensional” regarding the way the residents were able to stack their houses to increase population density resembled Thomas E. Skidmore’s othering concept where he discusses how the oppressor tends to create a perception of the oppress as different and thus placing them outside normal society (Skidmore 2010:35). Within Vilanova’s discussion another concept that she pointed out is the trend in Brazil of resources being more properly allocated to people who live closer to the city. People of the favela have significantly less than those who live “on the pavement”  or in the formal city.  Author Christian Parenti calls this perception relative deprivation, he says  “it is deprivation experienced in relation to the status of others”  (Parenti 2011: 160).

Walking through the favelas today put into perspective how residents of the favelas have so little; yet, have a sense of pride beyond description. The data reveled that in comparison to Brazilians outside of the favela they have poorer education, less access to clean water and extremely higher home density. Still individuals from the favela organize, educate, and in their own way, rise up every day. Our interactions with the favela today were a reminder of the true beauty that lies beneath the struggle for a dignified life.

Skidmore, Thomas E. Brazil: Five Centuries of Change. 2nd ed. New York: Oxford UP, 2010. 30-40. Print.

Parenti, Christian. Tropics of Chaos. New York: Nation Books, 2011. 157-178. Print