Month: September 2025 (Page 1 of 3)

Ibn Fadlan: Jurjānīya

On pages eight through ten, Ibn Fadlan records his time in Jujānīya which is located near the Jayhún river and “fifty farsakhs” from Khwārazm when traveling on the river (7). Ibn Fadlan and his group stay in Jurjānīya for many days before the river began to freeze. Once this happens, they are stuck for about three months here. He relates the months as those of “Rajab” (the end of said month) “Sha’ban, Ramadān and Shawwāl,” and records that it was around “the middle of the month of Shawwāl 309/ February 922” that they were able to finally leave (8-9).

            During their three months stay, Ibn Fadlan focuses largely on the weather, He is very specific about the cold weather. He says the Jayhún river was covered in “ice [that] was seventeen spans thick” and that “when snow falls, it is always accompanied by a rough and violent wind” (8).

            He seems relatively indifferent about the specific people in this region. He does not say anything judgmental nor very descriptive of who they are. Although, he does mention that they were friendly. He records the prices of their firewood. He only mentions two customs. One being that when a person wants to invite a person over out of gratitude they say, “Come to my house where we can talk, for there is a good fire there” (8). Additionally, it is custom that the beggars in this area just walk right into the houses and warm up before asking for food. Ibn Fadlan also writes of a story he heard about two men forgetting their tools to make a fire, so after a night in the cold, their camels died (9).

            Ibn Fadlan, in this section, does relay information about his own experience with the cold in Jujānīya, most of which are negative. He says his beard froze after he washed. He says his lodgings were “a house, inside which was another, inside which was a Turkish felt tent” and despite these precautions and the addition of many blankets, his face froze to the fabric of his pillow (9). Ibn Fadlan also details the vegetation, specifically trees, breaking in half from the cold.

            When he and his companions leave, they gather enough food for three months, some camels, and boats made from the skin of camels to make their journey. Additionally, they must dawn “a tunic,” “caftan,” “a cloak of sheepskin,” “a felt outer garment, with a head covering,” “ a plain pair of trousers and another padded pair, socks, horse-hide boots and over those boots, other boots” (9-10).

            This entire section entirely relates back to the freezing weather Ibn Fadlan is experiencing. Every detail, custom, and experience he mentions can be tied to the weather. While there is very little emotion in his words, it is clear he is dismayed and bewildered by the extent of the cold weather. He even expresses disbelief with the amount of clothes they needed to wear to leave this region and that it was “twice as bad as [he] had been told” (9). His indication of seeing the cold’s effect on nature showcases his growing fear: “I saw the Earth split” (9).

            In class, we talked about the climes, and how the further north one travel’s the closer to hell they get (in Islamic belief at that time). Hell is bad and cold. It is also where the dangerous tribes of Gog and Magog are trapped behind a wall. In this section Ibn Fadlan says this experience was “a gate to the cold of hell” (8). He believes he is approaching more danger than just the weather with his continued journey. This predisposes his later thoughts of the Ghuzz Turks to already be negative, because it is cold, and he is closer to hell. Additionally, Ibn Fadlan is only about halfway through his journey to Bulghar. Which means, he believes his journey and the climate are only going to get worse (and they are already bad). Overall, there are slightly sarcastic/dismayed undertones to this section which is likely a message to the Caliph expressing how much worse Ibn Fadlan’s journey is going to get, and how he is very upset about it.

 

Ibn Fadlān. Ibn Fadlān and the Land of Darkness: Arab Travelers in the Far North. Translated by Paul Lunde, Penguin Classic, 2012.

The Travels of Ibn Battuta: Qatya, Gaza, Jerusalem

In this next section, Ibn Battuta begins to make his journey through Syria, visiting many towns, a number of the quite notable and recognizable even today, along his journey. Setting off from Cairo, he briefly describes his experience visiting different khan or hostelries as he moves through the dry desert. He spends considerable time discussing one khan in particular, which lies in the city known as Qatya. Here, Ibn Battuta is most focused on governmental restrictions and security, and travel laws. Secondary to this is sidenotes of political violence. He particularly notes the harsh treatment against the merchants wishing to pass, noting how they are “examined, and their goods most rigorously searched” (25). They are also required to pay zakat upon entrance to Qatya. Ibn Battuta mentions that the city is host to a number of government offices and holds large amounts of money, with the income being a thousand gold dinars. Possibly, this is the reason for harsh security.

Ibn Battuta also notes that security clearances, which seem hard to maintain, are to prevent Iraqi spies from entering the territory, hinting at political hostilities and conflicts that we are not completely knowledgeable on at this point. However, the traveler must procure an Egyptian passport heading towards Syria, or vice versa. This raises questions for me concerning legitimacy practices of personal documentation – was it hard to receive? Could it be easily forged? Was it strictly enforced in other places as well?

Additionally, Ibn Battuta notes the rigorousness of the governor in particular when it comes to knowing who is in his land. He goes so far as to order the smoothing of the sands in the evenings so that if tracks appear by morning, they know someone has snuck by and is in the country without permit, and can then be hunted down. Immediately after, Battuta returns to himself and greatly contrasts himself as above these criminals, suggesting he was so polite and agreeable that he was granted special privileges. He notes that the governor treated him honourably, offered great hospitality, and gave him and his crew free passage through the land.

He doesn’t note how long he is in Qatya, but that afterwards he travels through Gaza. The tone here begins to become more religious, and he primarily focuses on tombs, God’s blessings, and well-built mosques upon others. He doesn’t dwell though, moving swiftly to his next section of travel, and the largest section afforded to any of the three – Jerusalem. 

Here, Battuta speaks carefully and religiously, praising God in nearly every sentence. Perhaps he is writing with the thought that God himself may hear/see/question his story or else bad things will come to him if he does not praise him redundantly, especially in such a holy land. However, for as religious as Battuta seems to be, Jerusalem is not the end goal or, seemingly, not a major stop on his journey, and he seems to be moving quite quickly through these places. While he gives the city much attention, he also describes it as “imposing” which invokes an almost fearful feeling from Battuta (26). Furthermore, in Jerusalem, he is concerned almost entirely with religious monuments and sanctuaries. 

He begins with a section on the “Most Sacred Mosque” in the Holy Land, singing much praise of its grandiosity, discussing how it is said that there is no larger of the world. He backs this up with scientific/mathematical measurements, giving the exact length and width and cubits to allow the reader to visualize for themselves just how massive the mosque really is. He then gives the “Dome of the Rock” its own section, in which he is highly complimentary, in which he praises its “loveliness” and “rare beauty,” so grand it left him speechless (27). He discusses its craftsmanship and the materials it has been built with, also ascribing a man-made nature to it, and thus the people of Jerusalem, as he praises its workmanship. Before moving on, he briefly recounts some of the other sacred monuments of the city, and leaves Jerusalem behind.

The Book of Marvels and Travels by John Mandeville: Persia

The ink that John dedicates to Persia is significantly less than he has dedicated to Jerusalem. While this may seem, in and of itself, to be marvelous as Persia takes up significantly more space, and the travels through the lands of Persia must’ve taken John several long months, if not longer. To see his meager two pages in which he attempts to cover all of the geographical and political observations that he must necessarily have made during this time traveling through distant lands must seem absurd until we realize perhaps the most important facts about Sir John Mandeville. The first is that he is not real. He is a fictitious character invented by a monk who imagined a knight’s pilgrimage across the southeastern quarter of the world. This explains why “John” has so few accounts of the practical or physical aspects of his journey or accounts of the temporality of the journey. It also explains the lack of time dedicated to this section; rather than having spent several months hard journey through this land, he’s spent none at all. Additionally, it is not across a canyon, which we need to make the logical leap across that a monk would have more ready access to information on the lands of Jerusalem than he would of the lands of Persia. This would also explain the overwhelming focus on broader geography; when one has a globe in front of them, it is much easier to write, “the land of Ethiopia borders to the east with the Great Desert, west to the land of Nubia…” (104) rather than the observations that a man who is travelling through these lands must necsesarily make such as the mountain passes which divide these lands and the rivers that one must ford to reach the lands of the Great Khan.

There is one section that John, as I will continue to call him in spite of his fictitious nature, seems to find most interesting. John writes of the “Land of Darkness”, which is three days across and covered with the thickest of fogs so that none dare travel within this region, and yet the locals speak of the words of men, the whines of horses, and the sound of birds from within. John writes, “they know well that people are living there, but they don’t know what kind of people.” (103). The story of the land of darkness is of persecuted Christians saved by the hand of God, which ends with their freedom to travel as they wish. This story must be very appealing to a people whose faith calls upon them to travel far from the safety and comfort of their homes, and yet it is hard for me to stomach that this author believed in such tales. Rather than make the journey himself and rely on the power of his God and the strength of his beliefs to carry him through the lands of his enemies, he saw it fit to stay with the safety of his monastery. Showing that he is writing for those making pilgrimages but drawing into question his own religious fervor.

The Travels of Benjamin of Tudela: Constantinople

When Benjamin of Tudela reaches Constantinople, his writing slows down, becoming much fuller, more focused, and more detailed than earlier parts of his journey (which read more like quick notations). Instead of quickly listing towns and Jewish populations, he devotes pages to describing the size, wealth, and life of the Byzantine capital.

Benjamin tells us that Constantinople is eighteen miles around, half surrounded by the sea and half by land. He presents it as one of the major busy centers of worldwide commerce, where merchants arrive from places as far away as Babylon, Persia, Egypt, Russia, Spain, and Lombardy. He compares it to Baghdad, saying both cities are unmatched in trade and wealth.

He pays special attention to Hagia Sophia, which he calls Santa Sophia. He describes its golden pillars, decadent lamps, and various other treasures brought in as tribute from across the empire. As in other cities, Benjamin records the Jewish community. He writes that about 2,000 Jews live in Constantinople, led by R. Samuel, who is appointed by the emperor, along with other leaders like R. Sabbattai, R. Elijah, and R. Michael. He notes, however, that they are oppressed and that many of them work as silk weavers.

Benjamin’s account of Constantinople shows how he balances two kinds of writing: the catalog of marvels intended to impress, and also the careful documentation of Jewish life that is his true interest.  For him, the city is important because it contains a large Jewish community, complete with leaders recognized by the emperor himself.

What stands out in this account is the contrast Benjamin sets up between the immense wealth of the city and the paradoxical condition of its Jews. While Constantinople is filled with riches, he makes sure to mention that Jews there are oppressed. his account illustrates well that while on the one hand, Constantinople is the greatest city of Christendom, filled with splendor; on the other, Jewish life there is more restricted than in some of the smaller Greek towns he passed through, where Jews owned land or thrived as artisans.

This focus on the suffering of Jews in such a marvelous place tells us something about Benjamin’s purpose in writing this account. His audience was most likely Jewish readers across the Mediterranean who wanted to know where their fellow Jews lived, how many there were, and what kind of life they had. His long description of Constantinople is not intended only to impress them with Byzantine wealth, but also to give them a sense of where Jews stood within this imperial capital. The names of rabbis, the number of Jews, their occupations, and even whether they were oppressed or not — all of these details build a kind of map of the Jewish diaspora.

Benjamin also seems aware of the rival powers of his day. By comparing Constantinople to Baghdad, he places the two great capitals — one Christian, one Muslim — on equal footing. This comparison may have been deliberate, showing his readers that Jewish communities could be found in both worlds, even in the greatest cities of each.

The Book of Marvels and Travels by John Mandeville: Jerusalem

What the author seems to be focused on here is solely how the surrounding land is connected to his faith. His descriptions of the appearance of the terrain are sorely lacking; even when he does deign to focus on the terrain, his description of it is riddled with Christian superstition. He writes of the Dead Sea, “Neither man nor living beast is able to die in it … if one throws in a piece of iron it comes up again, and if one throws in a feather, it sinks to the bottom and that is against nature.” (Madeville 51). What we would attribute to the high salt content of the water, John would attribute to the “wrath of a vengeful god”. His description of the people is practically nonexistent, save for brief descriptions of how people worship; even his description of how he was able to enter the Sacran temple is kept only to the fact that he was able to pass into the temple, where others, Jewish people and Christian people, were turned away for he had with him a document with the chief seal of the Sultan upon it. His description of the physical environment and that of his own physical journey is rough and scattered at best. While one could supposedly make some crude calculations regarding the time it took to travel and the paths he used, the author fails to supply them for us. Likewise, in the realm of the details of his lodging, the weather, the food, the clothing, the author seems to gloss over these points entirely in favor of the continued description of the holy places which he visits. We may, on this point, make the assumption that what was important to him and to his culture was reverence for the Christian god above all else. Given his extensive reading on the location and the surrounding holy places, nothing seems to come as a great surprise to the author. The only particularly unusual thing that he pays any great head to is the Dead Sea, and even then, he is more appalled rather than shocked at the water and the fruits which turn to ash under the blade of his knife.

The author’s intended audience can be made readily apparent in the way in which he speaks of his own faith. On page forty-one, John writes that “you should know that when He died Our Lord was aged thirty-three years and three months.” (Mandeville 41), seeming to both indicate his own belief in Christianity and suggest that his intended reader would share in his beliefs; this can be seen in both the capitalization of “He” when John refers to the Christian God and his use of “Our Lord”. This can also be seen in his focus on the Holy Sepulchre (the tomb of Jesus), Mount Calvary (where Jesus died), and indeed in his knowledge of and reference to the prophecy of David. He shows not only a base understanding of the words written but also of the historical context surrounding the prophecy in his calculation of Christ’s age. Additionally, his focus on the terrain and the cities surrounding Calvary would surely be of no small use to those who would seek to make their own pilgrimage. Thus, we may reasonably assume that he is writing, at the very least, in the beginning of his entry on Jerusalem, to reasonably well-educated Christians who intend to make their pilgrimage to the site upon which their lord met his death.

The Travels of Marco Polo: Armenia

In the opening chapter of The Travels of Marco Polo, Armenia is the first region Marco describes on his journey. He divides the area into two distinct sections of Lesser Armenia and Greater Armenia. As we discussed in class, I would describe Polo’s writing, at least in this first chapter, as a travel account rather than a travel narrative. His style is very factual, objective, and focused on details a European audience would be interested in, like geography, trade, religious affiliations, and politics.

Polo begins with his description of Lesser Armenia, focusing specifically on the bustling town of Ayas, which he describes as a “busy emporium” (46). Polo notes that goods like spices and cloth are brought to this town to be sold to merchants from cities like Venice and Genoa, who traveled there to trade. He specifically says that “…merchants and others who wish to penetrate the interior all make this town the starting-point of their journey,” meaning that Ayas functions as a gateway for merchants or other travelers to trade or purchase goods and then continue their travels (46). Polo also focuses on the religious affiliation and geographical location of Lesser Armenia. When describing the land surrounding the region, Polo mentions ships that are “…sailing to Christendom,” referring to Christian Europe. It’s important to note that Polo is commenting on religion because it’s clearly something important to not only himself but also the potential readers and intended audience of his travel writing. Towards the end of this section, Polo also briefly describes the surrounding people and their beliefs. His tone becomes more subjective when describing the Turcomans, saying that they speak a “…barbarous language,” which reflects the views of the region and politics at the time (46). It also may reflect his idea of his own status and his perspective that he is above this other race.

Polo then describes Greater Armenia and another busy city there called Erzincan, located near the entrance to the province. He highlights that this city is also important for trade and is known for making the best buckram. Other crafts are also practiced and perfected there. Polo notes the “inhabitants are Armenians and vassals of the Tartar,” meaning the people living there are ethnically Armenian, but politically subordinate to the Tartars. He finally writes that the city is the seat of an archbishop and hosts Tartars in the summertime. I think it’s important again to recognize that Polo specifically includes these details with the image of his European audience in mind and includes information about religion and politics.

Polo’s focus on geography, trade, religious affiliations, and politics in his recounting of Lesser and Greater Armenia shows more about his culture based on his observations and his purpose for recording this information. Polo’s father and uncle were distinguished and respected merchants who included young Marco Polo in their travels. Because of this background, Polo clearly understands the importance of economics and trade in other regions, and it is something he specifically pays attention to throughout his account. He also repeatedly references Christianity and Christian leadership, which may reflect his personal feelings, but also suggests that he is catering to a European audience in his mind. Polo was a well-respected writer, and in the prologue it says, “When Marco went on his mission…he paid close attention to all the novelties and curiosities that came his way, so that he might retail them to the Great Khan…he went on to recount all the…things he had seen on the way, so well…” (41). This quote shows how Polo is respected and seen as a trustworthy source, but also writes to powerful figures, which influences what he writes about and how much detail he includes. Overall, Polo’s recounting of Lesser and Greater Armenia is a powerful introduction to his journey and travel writing and reflects his unique perspective as a merchant traveler and his intent to inform his European audience, potentially interested in trade, politics, and religion of different regions.

The Book of Margery Kempe – Chapters 28 to 29 (Jerusalem and Bethlehem)

The author of this travel narrative – this book can certainly be called a narrative due to its form (storytelling, plot) – is extremely interested in telling the story of her travel through a religious lens. In Chapters 28 and 29, she travels to the greatest locations in the New Testament of the Christian Bible, including Jerusalem and Bethlehem. She makes a point to visit the most critical sites here: the location of Jesus Christ’s (one member of the Christian Holy Trinity) tomb, the crucifixion site, Mount Zion (where miracles and moral lessons occurred), other burial sites for major biblical people, and where Jesus was born.

She notes her own emotional responses to these locations, stating, “she wept, she sobbed, she cried out so loudly that it was amazing to hear it (107).” She continuously describes herself as this over-emotional creature, a nuisance to her traveling mates because of her excessive love for the Lord and inability to keep quiet on her devotion and religious beliefs.

The beginning of this chapter details the mode of travel Kempe uses to reach these Holy Grounds. They were to set sail for Jerusalem, but Kempe convinces the traveling party to take a different kind of boat, as God told her to avoid sailing in the other one. The party she was traveling with was full of people Kempe did not particularly like, and in addition to goading her and excluding her, would also simply act pettily towards her. On the ship, Kempe recalls that one of the members stole her bedsheet; these antics reinforce the idea that Kempe’s extreme devout demeanor was not well-received by her companions. Once they left their ship, Kempe states that she rode an ass to Jerusalem and later to Bethlehem. There is no specific timeline of Kempe’s travels in these chapters, but she seems to move from place to place quite often.

Kempe is obviously an outsider among her party. Something I find especially noteworthy is her profound episodes of devout prayer and emotion. They are obviously observed as strange, annoying, and contemptuous, and as a woman of this time period, her motives for drawing even more attention to herself are certainly interesting. She notes having visions and discussions with God, often yelling or crying during the episodes. We may be able to assume that although Christianity is a followed religion at this point, most believers are more discrete with their shows of belief, and may not follow as many of the rules as Kempe does, including eating meat.

Kempe explains that if others are weeping or crying over more common earthly griefs, such as losing a loved one, no one would tell them to stop, and, therefore, her episodes of grief and mourning over Jesus are no different. Perhaps her attention-grabbing episodes are actually an attempt at conversion or overt reminders of the horrors believed to have occurred in the Christian faith. On page 107, Kempe says that those on Earth to easily forget the sacrifices Jesus made for them – therefore, her episodes of grief and apparent conversations with God are a constant reminder to those witnessing that God is watching and listening, and that they, too, should be practicing their faith more openly and devoutly. She ends Chapter 29 with a supposed message from God, saying, “Daughter, I shall make the whole world wonder at you, and many men and women shall speak of me for love of you, and honour me in you (107).” This reinforces the idea that Margery Kempe’s attention-grabbing episodes make people remember and honor God when they have perhaps forgotten their religious duties.

The Itinerary of Benjamin of Tudela: Rome

Benjamin of Tudela was a Jew from Sepharad, now Spain. His journey most likely began sometime in the mid-1160s, though exact dates are debated upon. Benjamin of Tudela’s travels took him through Europe, Asia, and Africa over the course of about eight years, and he wrote an account of his experiences, which has been published as The Itinerary of Benjamin of Tudela and remained a well-known account of travel in the Middle Ages since the 12th century. In this excerpt, Benjamin travels to Rome. This is early in his travels; he began in his home town of Saragossa, and traveled from the Iberian Peninsula to France, stopping in several cities, the last of which was Marseilles. From Marseilles he takes a ship to Genoa, Italy, then from Genoa to Pisa, Lucca, and finally Rome. It’s unclear how much time he spends in each place before moving on. Benjamin does not often describe much about logistics, simply that it takes this or that amount of time to get from one place to the next. He often doesn’t specify what mode of transportation he used, though does mention taking ships in a few cases, such as from Marseilles to Genoa.

Benjamin describes Rome as the seat of Christianity, though it contains about 200 Jews who “occupy an honourable position and pay no tribute.” He writes that there are great Jewish scholars in Rome who live alongside the Christians, and even some who are officials of the Pope. He notes several individuals by name, various rabbis and respected scholars of Judaism. Benjamin’s travel account focuses mostly on Jewish culture, monuments, and people. At most locations, he makes note of the most important scholars and leaders who reside there, the size of the Jewish community, and the state of the community and its privileges (or lack thereof). He does not talk as much about the native populations outside of his own people.

While the previous cities have only taken up a few paragraphs each, he spends the better part of two pages describing the city of Rome. He describes St. Peter’s, the palaces of emperors including Caesar, the Colosseum, and many ruins which were already ancient by the 12th century. He seems to take a particular interest in art and architecture, as well as Jewish and Christian legends and landmarks. He references some stories of old battles fought in the city, and of the catacombs of a King Tarmal Galsin; the only reference I could find to this king is in the Itinerary, so perhaps this was a myth he was told by a local, or a name he misspelled of an existing figure. Another story he describes is about the Church of St. John the Lateran, which contained two columns taken from the Temple. The Roman Jews tell him that once a day every year the columns exude water. He clearly enjoyed his time in Rome, and he finishes his descriptions of the city by saying that it is full of “remarkable sights beyond enumeration.”

The Hebrew introduction to the compiled travel writings of Benjamin of Tudela appears to have been added after his death, but by people who were familiar with him. The author(s) praise him as a wise, understanding, and learned man, and say that “wherever we have tested his statements we have found them accurate, true to fact and consistent; for he is a trustworthy man.” It’s impossible to know how they “tested” his statements and if Benjamin of Tudela’s writings are entirely accurate, but it seems that he was a well-respected man in his own community. Also according to the introduction, Benjamin was creating a record of “stories and sights unknown in the land of Sepharad (Spain), which he brought back with him on his return to Castile.” The purpose of his account may have been simply to bring knowledge of far-away places to his homeland, perhaps hoping for Spanish Jews in his community to use his writings to learn more about the world. It could have also served as a sort of guide for Jewish travelers who wished to know what places were safe and which families and scholars lived in certain kingdoms and cities.

The Book of Marvels and Travels by John Mandeville: Constantinople/Greece

The first place Sir John Mandeville describes at length on his journey to the Holy Land is the city of Constantinople and the surrounding lands belonging to the Byzantine Empire. Mandeville seems mainly concerned with religion; the first thing he notes about the city is the Hagia Sophia, which he misidentifies as dedicated to St. Sophie. Outside, he describes an equestrian statue of the Emperor Justinian which he says used to hold an apple but had since fallen off, mirroring how the Byzantine Empire had lost much of its territory.  Mandeville moves on to describe the many relics housed in Constantinople, such as one of the nails that held Jesus on the Cross and half of the crown of thorns which he says was actually made of sea rushes. In this passage, Mandeville takes long asides to inform the reader on various bits of lore about these relics. He says the Cross was made from four different kinds of wood, that the other half of the crown is in Paris, and more. Along with relics, Mandeville recounts the many saints that are buried in the city such as St Anne, St John Chrysostom, and St Luke. Aside from these Religious matters, he details other buildings in Constantinople, such as the city’s walls, cisterns, and beautiful palace which he says is for jousting.

Along with Constantinople, Mandeville talks about other parts of Greece. He lists many islands such as Chalcis and Lemnos, as well as the famous mountains of Olympus and Athos, the latter of which he claims is so high that no animals can live there and ink never fades. His account is also punctuated with lore from Ancient times. He says that nearby to Constantinople is a plain where the city of Troy used to be, makes note of Aristotle’s tomb at Stagira to which people worship like he were a saint, and tells of an inscription supposedly made by Hermes Trismegistus.

On the subject of the people living there, Mandeville simply says that “There are many languages spoken and nations obedient to the Emperor, to wit Turcopoles, Pechenegs, and Cumans, and Thrace and Macedonia (of which Alexander was king), and many others. The ethnographic detail that most interests him is the differences between Catholicism and Greek Orthodoxy, which he says is very different. He says that Greeks believe the Holy Ghost only proceeds from the Father, that they do not venerate the Pope as Christ’s vicar on Earth and are scornful of any attempt to get them to, and that they practice lent and other feasts and sacraments differently. Mandeville makes sure to note that corruption is not limited to the Western Church, as scandals like simony take place.

Because this section of the book is framed as a pilgrimage, and that he claims that he especially wishes for people that want to go on one to read it, it is no wonder that Mandeville is so preoccupied with religion in his description of Constantinople and the Byzantine Empire. A prospective pilgrim would read the work with an eye to what places they could stop and worship at, and those that could only go on pilgrimages by reading such works would be grateful of the descriptions and the details of Christian lore that Mandeville sprinkles throughout. The differences in Western and Eastern Christianity would also be of interest to his religiously motivated audience, not just himself. He is also clearly writing for a literate audience, who would be familiar with his references to the Trojan War and Aristotle. As he notes, Greece is the first region where cultural and religious differences are quite visible, which he says is intriguing for many people to learn about. This anthropological curiosity overrides other concerns, with Mandeville silent on the physical aspect of travel aside from listing cities one passes on the journey. He does not describe how long he spent, where he stayed, the food, etc. Mandeville simply is not interested in describing them.

Margery Kempe Chp 26 Norfolk England to Konstanz Germany

    In chapter 26 Margery Kempe, who is located in Norfolk England, is finally granted approval for her travel to the Holy Land by the archbishop and her husband. It appears she is a middle class woman and not a part of religious order like nuns but is extremely religious (catholic) herself. She is commanded by Christ to adorn white clothing which is specifically for consecrated virgins but this decision is most likely due to her vow of a chaste marriage with her husband and her return to faith from doubt. She says in her dialogue with God that she is afraid to be ridiculed on her journey for “hypocrisy” but ultimately decides her faith and servitude to Christ’s command is more important than ridicule (which is seen later in this chapter as something she will endure heavily). 

  She initially travels to Norwich and Yarmouth to receive blessings and give offerings to God and the Virgin Mary where at Yarmouth she boards a ship to arrive at a large town called Zierikzee which is located in modern day Netherlands. It is not stated whether it was some sort of routine ferry between the two places (which I assume it is due to her being middle class) or a privately chartered boat. She states she does not eat meat as a sort of fast despite her confessor granting her permission to (which insinuates that travel is known to be very harsh and food like meat, despite fasts, is permitted and urged for travellers)   

 From Yarmouth to Zierikzee she follows the typical practice for medieval travel of travelling in groups, the group she is with are labeled her “companions” and she also brings along one personal maid servant. Eventually her group along with her maid servant grow discontent with her weeping for God and depart from her. The next day one of her remaining companies approaches her and offers to travel in another group as fellow pilgrims up to Konstanz Germany (southern Germany) which is also typical in medieval traveling. Because of how easy it was for her to find another group the next day I assume this route that she is taking is a very popular route for pilgrims to get to Jerusalem for pilgrimages from England. 

   She was shamed by her pilgrim group and made to wear outfits to make her appear as a fool, which may have something to do with her previous all white outfit but it’s not mentioned. Maybe it is because she is not only a solo female traveler, but also because she is an outspoken religious/Christian woman, something typically seen as reserved for men in this period. 

    Its stated along their journey they stayed at the house of another person to eat supper and who fed the pilgrims, which insinuates that some medieval people would offer than homes to allow pilgrims to stay the night and feed them as well, most likely because their journey was a Holy one and not for frivolous or political reasons. 

  Eventually she arrives in Konstanz Germany, though it is unspecified if it was entirely by foot or another method, where she immediately attends Church to pray to Christ, which shows her religious dedication in this journey.

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