Month: September 2025 (Page 2 of 3)

The Travels of Ibn Battuta: North-West Africa and Egypt

Ibn Battuta, born in Tangier, leaves on a pilgrimage for Jerusalem from his birthplace in roughly 1325 at 22-years-old. From there, he travels along the Nile, going first through Egypt. Traveling alone seems to be peculiar for his time, as he takes particular care to mention that he does not travel with a caravan, and that though others offer him kindness and suggest they travel together, he continues on his own after sickness continues to render them immobile. One great hindrance to the early part of Ibn Battuta’s travels is sickness. He discusses coming down with fever multiple times, causing him to have to continue to camp out for nights longer than he plans – though these visits still usually land around 3-10 days. Battuta is not one for staying somewhere long – rather, he intends to make the most of his travels, hitting as many new towns and cities as he can along the way. One imam he meets even notes about him that he seems “fond of travelling and wandering from land to land,” which he confirms (8). Interestingly, though he is highly concerned with religion (though he is by no means critical of other religions. Rather, he is much more open about it than past authors, and comments with either curiosity or simply apathy when he notices other towns go about their practices differently) he seems only concerned with his own piousness. Any time God is mentioned, in a passing story or his own narration, he takes a number of lines to praise him, and dedicates an entire two of twenty-five pages in this section to the recitation of a litany. 

In each town or city he visits, he is primarily concerned with their local religious leaders. He makes sure to visit their holy sites or homes in each place to meet their shaikh. He talks at length of their conversations, but particularly the ways in which they display themselves as benevolent and kind leaders and make their towns better. He does not criticize any of their tactics, nor any of the people of the land. In fact, except for a couple of lines about clothing he finds interesting, he hardly mentions the physical characteristics of the townspeople at all. Though, like with each shaikh, he holds hospitality in the highest regard. One of his only criticisms throughout the journey is that one town refused to give him more guest-gifts after finding out he was traveling light and had nothing to offer them. Tied in with hospitality, he also discusses, again with curiosity and not contempt, the dining practices of each town or city he visits. He complains only when some Mongols he comes across don’t eat enough, and he constantly finds himself hungry in their presence (with the caveat that he himself is a larger man with a good appetite, while they are much more petite). He is also fascinated with local monuments and architecture. Though he never says exactly what buildings look like, he will go on for lines about how they seem to have been built with such grace, and how their buildings are fit to host the grandest of peoples and nature – he does this in many places. He has a genuine concern for the man-made wonders of the world. He disregards false wonders. He only shows true disgust once, when he discovers that the men in the bath house bathe naked together, and complains enough to get the law changed before he leaves. 

From his writing, I can assume his own culture is far more accepting of differences than earlier writers we have read, though this does come from a time with more cross-cultural contact. This does reflect a more open and less religiously strict – in terms of religious diversity and hatred across religious borders – than seems to have existed in earlier times. However, we also know from his concern with his own religiousness that Tangier likely followed religious doctrine very strictly – he is traveling to Jerusalem after all. It is unclear who he is writing to; he is merely accounting his journey. He wishes to visit all the great sites he has heard about through such religion, and longs to receive wisdom from religious leaders across the continent. He is a man with far more curiosity, acceptance, and genuine love of God and the world for its creation of humanity and longs to appreciate it all with his own eyes in order to understand it as best he can. 

 

The Travels of Ibn Battutah: Cairo

Upon arriving in Cairo, Ibn Battutah focuses most on the religious people living there, the structures within the city, such as the pyramids and mosques, and the natural features, particularly the Nile river. As it is such a large city, he lists the many sorts of people that can be found within— “learned and simple, grave and gay, prudent and foolish, base and noble, of high estate and low estate, unknown and famous” (15). He does not seem to have a particularly low or high opinion of the people, as this general overview is really the only description he gives of most of the city’s population. He does however concern himself with the lives of those in the numerous convents of Cairo, one of which he stays at, describing the food and clothing its members receive, and the Qur’an readers hired by the people in the al-Qarafah cemetery. He stayed for what sounds to be a single night in a convent at Dair al-Tin which contained some relics from the Prophet himself, such as the awl for sewing his sandals, a fragment of his wooden basin, and his kohl pencil. However, he does not make any mention as to what his stay was like there, such as what he ate and who else was with him, only that the Sahib (of whom no description is provided, therefore it is possible Ibn Battutah never met him) provides it with funds to feed the travelers who stay there.He shows reverence for the current sultan and some of the amirs, describing him as “a man of generous character and great virtues,” who demonstrates his nobility through his service to causes of religion and charity, as do many amirs (18). He seems overall wonderstruck by the city and all it has to offer, making no mention of any negative experience he has while staying there.

 

Ibn Battutah is fascinated with the mosques and convents of Cairo, and offers a blessing after many of the names listed, such as (God’s blessing and peace upon him). Thus it can be assumed that Ibn Battutah is also Muslim, as he seems knowledgeable about the religion and writes in a similar manner to other Muslim travelers we have read. He also does not make mention of any cultural differences between Cairo and where he comes from, which implies that he comes from a similar culture—otherwise, he would likely note any differences in culture, food, or practices.However, from the sound of his writings, we know that many pilgrims travel through Cairo along their journeys, as one of the things the Sultan does is provide supplies for pilgrims without the means to supply themselves, and the convent he stays overnight at seems to be outfitted specifically to house travelers in need of shelter during their stay in the city. The Nile river is particularly unusual to him, as it runs south to north, the opposite direction of all the other great rivers, and that it floods during the dry season but diminishes when other rivers typically rise. 

The Travels of Marco Polo: Persia

Cameron Devries

Blog Post #1

September 17, 2025

The Travels of Marco Polo: Persia

            Going from the prologue into the main readings of Marco Polo, it makes sense why Kublai Khan appointed Marco Polo as his emissary, with the straightforward yet broadly ranging accounts of the lands he traveled through. It seems that Polo took a great interest in trying to analyze many different pieces of the lands he encountered, while also trying to remain objective – this shows that in addition to his own interest, he was clearly trying to please the Khan and keep him accurately informed as part of his role. It is hard to get a picture of the journey’s practical aspects, as it is less of a narrative that tells how long he stayed in a place or which route he took to get there, but it often just says something like “now let us leave this kingdom and go to this one.” In his beginning journeys through the Middle East, the largest passage recounted thus far is the one regarding Persia, and I am able to get a sense of this objective writing style through Polo’s talk on religion, political organization, nature, wildlife, people, possessions, and more. One of Polo’s greater interests seems to be in religion, and here I can also note that he also is fond of inserting stories in the narrative in order to explain or expand upon certain things he encounters.

            He generally talks about people by first noting which religion or which division of a religion they follow, this section on Persia gives an interesting account of why the people are “fire-worshippers”, retelling the story of the three king. This story seemed almost like an interpretation of Jesus’s birth story with the wise men and their gifts, but now with the addition of a magical stone being tossed into a well and bringing fire down from above, which the people in Persia now worship. Still, Marco Polo simply says “for the men of this town do worship fire. And I will tell you why they worship it” (pp. 58-59). He remains objective and does not question or act appalled when confronted with different beliefs.

            The one point where Marco Polo may insert some of his own judgment is when he labels some of the people with the Persian kingdoms as “brutal and bloodthirsty” (p. 61). I am not really aware of Persia’s complete history, but even in this case it seems possible that Polo’s interpretation may be founded on evidence, because Persia at this time seems to have been attacked and ravaged by the Tartars, and there are many groups of fighting people and robbers across the land killing each other. Tying this to the religion aspect, there was one line in this reading that did make me question Polo’s objectivity so far. Following the account of the “bloodthirsty” people who “slay and harry them [merchants] unsparingly”, the final line of the paragraph reads, “And I can assure you that they all observe the law of Mahomet their prophet” (p. 61). This does seem to be a sort of backhanded comment about Islam and the beliefs of those that follow Mahomet, if those beliefs have led them to committing such violent actions.

            There are a few other things to be noted, such as how Marco Polo is generally good at including the current political organization of the place he is travelling through. He includes the current lineup of the 8 kingdoms making up Persia, these organizations likely being some of the more important information to bring back to Kublai Khan. Descriptions of the landscape are intertwined with this, as Polo recalls the borders and which nations are bordering Persia, as well as the traveling conditions such as the climate and the presence of geographical points of interest such as deserts, mountains, narrow valleys, bodies of water, etc. Finally, he is interested in the goods and commodities of an area, noting the types of crops, fruits, riches, and animals maintained throughout Persia. There seems to be a specific attraction to the lavish signs of wealth he encounters, as he often makes note of silk and embroideries and talks about how beautiful they are.

            It is clear that Marco Polo seems intent on providing an extensive and truthful interpretation of his travels, and that he is good at providing some information on all aspects of the lands he travels through. As he gets further from home there may be more religious tension or surprising opinions, but I suppose that will come in later blogs. As I finished this post, I was thinking about the fact that the actual book did not seem to be written by Marco Polo, but from the prologue it is someone else recounting the recounting of Marco Polo’s travels, which I am confused about. But I have just been assuming it to be truthful as if they are writing exactly what Marco Polo said.

Ibn Fadlan: Between Jīt and Jām

Between pages 11 and 21 of the text, Ibn Fadlan describes his encounter with the Ghuzz Turks. The overall location of this section is unknown, however, he describes having left a place called Jīt before this section begins, and he mentions crossing a river called the Yaghindī (which does not appear on the map) and another called Jām (which is shown on the map). Since Ibn Fadlan describes the Ghuzz Turks as being nomadic, the lack of specified town or territory makes sense as they would be in constant movement across the land (11). He also walks through the territory encountering different groups of Turks throughout this section (although they are all under the same rule).

                  Ibn Fadlan focuses heavily on the customs of the Ghuzz Turks. He records his disgust of their lack of washing. He is similarly dismayed that “their women do not veil themselves” (12). Both situations he experienced as a first-hand account, although, most of the information he is reiterating from another unknown source. The most prevalent themes of their culture he discusses are marriage, punishment, and responsibility. He also discusses religion with their leader and a few of the people. Interestingly, he specifically mentions the gifts he gives the leaders. Ināl, the first leader, is given “a caftan (…), a piece of cloth [pay-baf], round loaves of bread, a handful of raisins and a hundred walnuts” (17). Later on Tarkhan is gifted “a robe of honour” and the others, “pepper, millet and round loaves of bread” (21).

                  There are few physical aspects of Ibn Fadlan’s actual journey within this region. The first authority figure they meet is Ināl, but they do not seem to stay very long. The next stop they run into a Turk who refuses to let them continue until they gift him bread. Their final stop is with Atrak, “the commander of their troops,” and his location is past the end of their territory (19). They get stuck here due to the distrust of Atrak and his trusted personnel. They did not believe Ibn Fadlan and his fellow envoys were on a legitimate mission as they had never heard of such a mission before. After seven days, they are allowed to leave. It is mentioned they are travelling on horse and/or camels. Additionally, they are travelling with an interpreter, meaning that there is a language barrier.

                  The sections where Ibn Fadlan is more critical are largely about cleanliness, lack of modesty, and travel. The two former themes coincide with the Islamic practices of ritual washing and women wearing the veil. Ibn Fadlan clearly feels strongly about his faith as a scholar of Islamic law, but he also feels strongly about other people following the rules of Islam. However, in this section he does not record telling the Turks what is considered correct to him. This implies his trip is not necessarily about converting the people as much as the leaders (Atrak receives a letter about conversion). If the leader converts, perhaps it is assumed their people will also convert. Additionally, he is very judgmental about the Ghuzz Turks being nomads. This suggests his dismay with either not settling down or consistent travel. He is on this journey for the Caliph, and it is implied that the Turks have never really encountered many envoys from Baghdad. So, Ibn Fadlan’s journey may be the first of its kind sent out in a long time, and possibly his first travel experience. His disapproval of nomadic lifestyle could be reflective of his own dislike of travel, inexperience, or overall preference of settling in one space.

                  Some of Ibn Fadlan’s remarks are less critical and more descriptive. These are likely updates for the Caliph on the condition of the people under his rule. One thing that specifically sticks out however is the gifts for the leaders. It could be Ibn Fadlan’s written evidence that he is following the Caliph’s orders (if he ordered gifts to be given). Considering the introduction of the travel narrative and Ibn Fadlan’s warning (in reference to the money he and his envoy were unable to secure, in which he writes about the blame not falling on him), it is clear he likes to be meticulous as to remove blame from himself if something goes awry. In this case, it may be for the sake of book keeping and proof that he is carrying out proper customs (providing gifts to leaders).

Citation:

Ibn Fadlān. Ibn Fadlān and the Land of Darkness: Arab Travellers in the Far North. Translated by Paul Lunde, Penguin Classic, 2012.

The Book of Margery Kempe: Zierikzee

The Book of Margery Kempe states that Margery, traveling with a group of other pilgrims that including her confessor and her maidservant, arrived at Zierikzee on a ship from Yarmouth. While the text does not provide a specific length of time she was in Zierikzee, it says that “she received communion every Sunday,” implying that she was there for at least a few weeks (96). Her receiving communion also suggests that Zierikzee had Catholics and Catholic churches. Zierikzee is described as a “large town,” though no other straightforward descriptions of the city are given (96). Due to Zierikzee’s proximity to water, it is possible that it played a major role in their economy and its people’s daily life, but Margery did take note of it, implying she did not care much about the environment of Zierikzee.

While in Zierikzee, Margery’s confessor becomes extremely angry with her for not eating meat. This dispute may suggest that the easiest and most fulfilling foods that her group could obtain in Zierikzee contained meat, and therefore Margery’s refusal to eat meat caused an issue for the group when getting their meals. Margery largely focuses on this dispute between her and her travel group when describing the rest of her time at Zierikzee. Her group refuses to stay with her for a night, giving her a noble and angrily telling her to “go where she likes and shift for herself as well as she could” (97). Margery does not describe her previous lodgings (with the group) or if she was able to obtain lodgings for the night she was on her own. However, based on the frequency with which Margery describes she suffers, the absence of a description detailing a night of suffering implies that she was likely able to secure lodgings. Therefore, the noble was likely able to cover her necessary costs (either because nobles were an accepted currency in Zierikzee or because they were at least considered to have some value there).

While Margery spends some time describing how “cruelly” her fellow pilgrims treated her, she spends one line describing how she thinks the people of Zierikzee perceived her: “she received communion… with much weeping and violent sobbing, so that many people marveled and wondered at the great grace that God worked in his creature” (96-97). By using the words “marveled and wondered” and framing her tears as a great gift from God, the text implies that some people in Zierikzee may have found her tears to be a wondrous sign of religious devotion and connection to God. However, considering how often people become frustrated with Margery for her constant crying, this view may also just be reflective of how Margery wanted to be perceived, rather than how she was actually perceived. Either way, her crying seems to have been very noticed by people, suggesting few if any people in Zierikzee rivaled the frequency and drama with which Margery Kempe cried.

Rather than describing Zierikzee and its people/culture, Margery Kempe focuses on recording her feelings, her relationship with God, and the suffering she is experiencing for God while at Zierikzee. These focuses suggest that her purpose in having the Book of Margery Kempe written was to gain religious admiration from her journey,  not unlike an attempt at an autobiographical hagiography.

 

Ibn Fadlan and the Land of Darkness: The Land of the Turks

           Ibn Fadlan was a traveler who worked for the caliph Muqtadir from Baghdad. He traveled to visit the people he called the “Turks.” He left for Bulghar, the city where the Turks resided, in June of 921 CE. They spend around a year to a year and a half on this trip. According to Fadlan, they spent between one and three days in cities near Baghdad, which were on the trail towards Bulghar. These cities include Nahrawan, Daskara, Hulwan, Qirmisin, and Hamadhan (4). Fadlan didn’t spend much time recounting their lodging situations in the cities that he spent limited time in. He spends significantly more time focused on who he is with and the cities in which they stay. He lets us know that they are walking through the desert, but doesn’t give many other details about the terrain his caravan treks through until they reach Bukhara and Khwarazm.

            He spends considerably more time in Bukhara (than in previous places), where he describes the harsh winter that they are about to endure and the troubles that will arise due to the weather. They stayed in Bukhara for 28 days until they left by boat via river to Khwarazm, where he tells us of a house where he was put up until he departed for Bulghar. In the final stretch of their journey, he describes the weather as “the cold of hell.” (8). As they went further north in their travels, they experienced a harsh winter climate, including frozen lakes they walked across. He focuses (not only in this section on the travels but also later on) on clothing. He describes their winter apparel and how the “local people” urged them to dress.

            In the final push to Bulghar, the caravan hired a guide to help them get through wintery terrain. As per usual, Fadlan doesn’t focus much on any details of the guide other than his name. Fadlan primarily focuses on the names of “characters” he encounters. When he goes in-depth about the Turks’ behaviors or characters in general, he often leaves individuals’ names unmentioned.

            The first time we get an in-depth explanation of the Turks is when he comes across a Nomad tribe. In this description, Fadlan’s personal beliefs and culture start to become more apparent. He describes the tribes’ tents, travels, and their beliefs. He believes them to be “wandering asses” and finds it extremely distasteful that they do not believe in a god (12). This becomes a pattern we see in his critiques of Turkish culture. Fadlan heavily focuses on immodesty, uncleanliness and un-Islamic traditions. He is clearly viewing the Turks through a lens of Islam. All of the behaviors he critiques directly contradict what someone of his religious and cultural beliefs would do. In Islam, people value modesty (especially among women). He remarks in disgust about a woman revealing her genitals to him. In Islam, people value cleanliness, especially when it comes to prayers and religious rituals. He spends quite a lot of time on their lack of personal hygiene. Fadlan also explains their religious sacrifices and traditions, such as carrying around a wooden phallus. He is clearly upset by this, and on many occasions, he attempts to convert the Turks to an Islamic way. He does this by giving their King a Muslim name and explaining proper prayer rituals to them. This all shows Fadlan’s priority of the Mosque and his deep-rooted belief in Islam.

            We know that Fadlan is documenting his endeavors and successes in this writing for his Calif. He is trying to convert the Turks to Islam. His beliefs aren’t obscure or unknown; he not only believes in Islam, but his job is to get others to believe and follow Islam. Since we know his audience and his beliefs, the broader question to answer is how much of his writing is affected by his job. He comes at the description of the Turks from an angle of critique. Fadlan often states how disgusted he is or passes judgment on the Turks due to their divergence from the law of Islam. However, it is hard to know if his intended audience (the Calif) is greatly changing the way he goes about writing these accounts. Very well, he could be exaggerating his own disgust or the intensity of the defiance of the Turks to appease his boss and to keep his job. His audience is no question; however, how that audience plays into his accuracy is important.

Ibn Fadlan and the Land of Darkness: Bulghar

Ibn Fadlan recounts his journey to Bulghar and describes the people and the culture he observes. He writes about their cleanliness, or lack thereof. He claims, “[The Rus] are the filthiest of God’s creatures” (Fadlan 46) because they remain unwashed after they have sex, use the bathroom, or after they eat. He goes on to mention how they use a basin of water that multiple people share, to use for their washing and grooming needs, as well as spitting and blowing their nose in the same basin of water. Fadlan also focuses on the cultural practices of the Rus, specifically their burial practices. He denotes that there are different protocols for different classes of people. The burial ritual for a poor man is vastly different from that of a wealthy man. The poor man will be placed in a boat and set on fire. If the man were wealthy, then his assets would be divided into three parts: one part given to his family, the other for burial clothes, and the last to make the drink that drugs the slave girl who sacrifices herself for her master, the man who died. 

Ibn Fadlan arrived on May 12, 922, and met the king whom his caliph had sent him to meet. This journey took seventy days for Fadlan and his traveling companions to complete. Fadlan describes various rivers they needed to cross to reach this kingdom. They fashioned boats out of camel skin to get them and all of their belongings across these rivers. For Ibn Fadlan and his caravan to pass through different places, they needed to give something in exchange to gain access to the route, like a toll. They gave bread to a Turkish man who stopped them, and bread, walnuts, a caftan, and other various items to a king who would not let them pass through. Ibn Fadlan’s narrative does not include his exact duration of time spent in Bulghar, but it is assumed that his journey lasted about 18 months in total. 

The way in which Ibn Fadlan describes the people with whom he comes into contact – their dress, customs, religion, and so on – comes off as much more subjective and, at most times, judgmental, alluding to his sense that he knows better than they do. The caliph sent him to educate the Bulghars about the Islamic faith. This mission gives him a sense of superiority, even to the king. He corrects the king and his subjects on the ways of practicing the Islamic faith, including the correct way to recite the iqama, or the prayer that is said aloud. Ibn Fadlan is adamant that the iqama is only said once, but the king orders the muezzin to say the prayer twice. Fadlan hears the prayer said incorrectly and is angered: “When I heard this repetition of the phrases, I ordered the muezzin to stop doing it and shouted at him” (Fadlan 30). Ibn Fadlan feels entitled to yell at the king because of his position as the religious envoy. His superiority turns into snobbishness as he describes the different facets of life he witnesses and finds offensive. He dislikes their cooking methods, where they use fish oil and he claims, “…everything they make with it smells bad” (Fadlan 35). He compares their use of fish oil with his own culture’s method of cooking with olive oil or sesame oil. He believes that this is the proper way to cook food, and their way is wrong. His rejection of their customs continues when it comes to his disagreement with the women not veiling themselves. He tries to enforce this concept on women, but does not succeed. Instead of observing and accepting the customs of the place he has travelled to, he negates their practices and attempts to force his own onto them. His narrative reflects that his purpose for travelling to Bulghar was not to explore the land and its people, but to try to teach them the ways of Baghdad so they can assimilate. 

The Book of Wanderings of Felix Fabri: Botzen

The Dominican Theologian, Felix Fabri set out on his second “wandering” toward the Holy Land of Jerusalem in 1483. The travel narrative, written after the pilgrimage concluded, describes not only Fabri’s trip, but also the extensive preparation that led up to his travels. The pilgrimage detailed in this account is of Fabri’s second trip to the Holy Land, an unusual situation for friars at the time. Fabri feels as if he did not truly experience his first trip, describing it as “shrouded in a dark mist, as though I had beheld them in a dream” so his knowledge and memory of that time is confused and impersonal (Fabri 4). Therefore, for Fabri’s second pilgrimage he aims to record and remember the details of this great personal experience. Not only for his own memory, but also to transmit the knowledge to members of his German convent (Fabri ch.1).
The second journey begins in Ulm, Germany on April 14th, 1483 exactly 2 years after the first. He travels through southern Germany to modern-day Austria, and Northern Italy. One week into the journey, Fabri and his group of travelers arrive in Botzen – now modern day Bolzano, Italy. While the group only stays in Botzen for one night, the small town is in ruins due to a recent fire. The terrain on the descent into Botzen has improved – what was previously rock and narrow with steep cliffs and deep valleys has been evened out due to the Duke (Fabri ch.1). Fabri remains grateful for the ease in travel, but otherwise uninterested in reports of terrain and travel conditions. He does however care about the newly implemented toll-system – a marker of modernity and the increased popularity of travel between his two pilgrimages.
As Fabri and his crew arrive in Botzen, they remark on the fire’s destruction to the whole town save for monasteries and churches. This fact prompts Fabri’s religious theorizing and he emphasizes the sanctity and importance of Christianity. He describes the fire throughout the town as the “vengeance of heaven” and praises the unwavering dedication of the monks to prevent the fire from damaging the monastery. While Fabri esteems the monks of Botzen, he uses their dedication in opposition to the townspeople. He describes them as “sinful, given to drunkenness, luxury, and pride beyond measure” (Fabri ch.1). Fabri uses the fire to reinforce his religious beliefs and uplift the superiority of Christianity. While he remarks on other cultural aspects, the food is good and the cost of living low, his main concern is the practice and implementation of religion. He blames the impurity of the citizens on an “unwholesome air” that infects the population with a continuous fever (Fabri ch.1). By describing the citizens as impure and ill, he further emphasizes the contrast between the esteemed religious community and the common townspeople.
Although Fabri’s stay in Botzen was brief, it provides a beginning glimpse into his values and biases as a traveller. Fabri is most concerned with the sanctity of religion, especially Christianity as it is practiced throughout Europe. While he comments briefly on important aspects of travel such as terrain, lodging, food, and commerce – he is most concerned with the social implications and divisions based on religion. Although Fabri mentions shifting political powers from German to Italian jurisdiction, he is widely unconcerned with these political implications. Fabri’s unique perspective as a repeat pilgrim allows the differences he showcases to illuminate recent political and social shifts for the reader. However, as the author of this travel narrative he is mainly concerned with the implementation and practice of Christianity through his travels.

The Book of John Mandeville: Constantinople

The Travels of Sir John Mandeville begins with the author’s arrival in Constantinople. Mandeville traces his route, from his home country of England, westward across borders, waters, and hills to reach the many holy sites he seeks. In the prologue, the author identifies himself, his nationality, and his mission. As a Christian, English knight, Mandeville has both the means to travel and the ethos required to talk about it. Mandeville is making a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, and thus, his travel narrative is framed within the Christian mind. 

The geographical information Mandeville supplies is limited to place names, kingdoms, and river sizes–negating the text’s status as a pure travel account. Mandeville asserts that his writings are intended to enumerate each stop a Western man will encounter on his way to the Holy Land. In recounting his visit to Constantinople, Mandeville does not write about specific people he meets. Instead, he connects the place to prominent, Christian historical figures, both political and biblical. Thus, Constantinople’s ethnography is secondary to the city’s relics, monuments, and buildings.

The first landmark Mandeville details is the Church of Saint Sophia. Mandeville’s description accentuates the sculpture of Justinian I that precedes the church. His emphasis on Justinian signifies that the sculpture’s physical position–in front of an ornate church–mirrors Mandeville’s own focus on preserving Christian tradition amidst an evolving global landscape. 

Mandeville utilizes Christian iconography as a metaphor for geopolitical disputes. This coincides with Mandeville’s commentary on the Justinian statue–describing its gilded exterior and the Emperor’s authority atop his horse. Mandeville notes that there should be an apple in the hand of Justinian, and that its absence represents the territories lost under his rule. 

Nonetheless, Mandeville predicates Constantinople’s importance on its Christian relics. He tells his audience about the Holy Sponge given to Jesus by the Jews during his crucifixion, as well as the Cross of Christ. Mandeville acknowledges discrepancies about the Cross’ whereabouts, before confirming that he saw it in Constantinople and providing extensive details about its materials and inscriptions. Mandeville emphasizes that these relics were all brought to Constantinople and come from various origins. This fact detracts from the city’s relevance to Christianity, presenting Constantinople as a place with holy objects rather than an inherently holy place.

The fall of the Byzantium informs Mandeville’s reception of Greek culture in Constantinople. Mandeville delineates the customs of Greek Christians and how they differ from his own–one of which being the presence of facial hair. Though Mandeville does not explicitly condemn their practices, he notes that this sect of Christians is not unified with the Catholic Church, thus detracting from its legitimacy to Western Christians. Mandeville repeatedly alludes to previous periods of Greek history, from the Macedonians to Aristotle, suggesting he is surprised by the Greeks he comes into contact with.

Mandeville’s chronicle of Constantinople is both rich in Christian history and lacking in critical details about the location itself. The author’s extensive wisdom of Christian relics in Constantinople speaks to both his own education and the literacy of his audience. Additionally, the vagueness of the physical and spatial information Mandeville provides suggests that his reader has a conceptual grasp of his route. Although his geographical descriptions are bleak, Mandeville staunchly aligns his location with this vocation as a Christian pilgrim, placing his religious beliefs ahead of worldly pleasures.

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