Mapping the Global Middle Ages

Fall 2025

Month: October 2025 (Page 2 of 6)

Margery Kempe Chp 29-32 Jerusalem-Bethany-Back to Venice- Assisi-Rome

October 16, 2025 / / 0 Comments

Margery, now in Jerusalem, continues to visit Holy sites within the city such as Golgatha, weeping at each one at the thought of Christ’s torture at the hands of men. Presumably she travels to all these places on foot as she does not mention another mode of travel. She does not recieve aid from her fellow travelers, especially when she is walking up  Mount Quarantania, but only recieves help from Friars and “Saracens” which according to Britannica was used at some point in the middle ages to describe anything or anyone originating from Arabia. This defintely shows something special about Jerusalem with the peaceful interactions between faith, where Margery herself states that an Arab/or Muslim man would help up the mountain when she was beginning to get tired and where Catholic Grey Friars would supply her with water and comfort her when her “fellow country men would not acknowledge her”

She eventually makes her way to Bethany to visit the homes of Mary and Martha, as well as the tomb of Lazarus. Again Palestine is an interesting comparison to England with Margery her self stating she would walk around the country Muslim/or Arab people would accompany her and aide her, giving her special attention, as well as stating the entire populice of the area (Both Christian and Muslim) was kind to her and that all interactions were good  unlike her interactions with her fellow countrymen.

She eventually returns to Jerusalem and then Ramleh, where God commands her to go to Rome and then to return to England, and that she is pardoned in those places just the same as if she were in Jerusalem. She eventually boards a ship (presumably the same route she came with) to return to Venice. Though her companions are ill, Christ assures her that no one will die on the ship.

Eventually when they arrive in Venice, again her companions abandon her. She meets a man with a great hump on his back and, remembering her confessors words foretelling that a hunchback will accompany her when her companions abandon her, asks him to accompany her to Rome. He is reluctent because of his fear of robbers which I presume indicates this was a common issue in the area to get to Rome that travelers had to work around. I assume the typical way they would get around this is travelling in large groups with weapons, I say this because the man originally refuses to travel with Margery because he acknowledges that her companions have left her and therefore they would be left alone and have no one to carry crossbows and swords to protect them from robbers. Eventually Margery convinces him only on the condition that they travel with two Friars and some women, one of which carrys an image of Christ with her. This group including the man with the hump (Richard) were much kinder to Margery, presumbly because they themselves were quite religious and seemed to have resonated with her weeping.

Along the journey to Assisi, again Margery stays at another person’s house to rest and eat (which because of how many times this happened I assume is common in Medieval travel) where she loses and finds her ring dedicated to Christ.

Eventually Margery arrives in Assisi with Richard, with the method of travel not mentioned, where she meets Margaret Florentyne. The two ask this woman if they can join her party until Rome. Richard specifically asks because he hopes to avoid thieves by travelling with Margret, who presumably has a much larger party (possibly with weapons) that protects against robbers and other criminals. Margaret agrees, and all three travel together into Rome.

In Rome, Margery is recieved into the Hospital of Saint Thomas and recieved communion and confession every Sunday. Again the method of travel to Rome, aside from travelling with a large party, is not mentioned.

The Travels of Ibn Battutah: Baghdad

October 15, 2025 / / 0 Comments

Having joined a new caravan, Ibn Battutah travels over land and sea before arriving in Baghdad. He is far less impressed by this city than the others he has come to, as it seems to be on the decline and there is nothing stunningly beautiful about the city, save the Tigris river flowing through it, which he compares to “a necklace ranged between two breasts,” once again ascribing feminine traits to a city in his descriptions (75).  At this point Ibn Juzayy inserts a segment of a poem by Abu Tammam, which similarly laments the deterioration of Baghdad. While unimpressed by the city as a whole, Ibn Battutah is, however, greatly amazed by the bathhouses of the city, which have individual cubicles for privacy and provide their patrons with multiple towels in order to cover themselves properly. It’s clear from his tone that this is what he feels a bathhouse should be like, unlike the one in Egypt, where he was horrified by the way the patrons did not cover themselves. 

 

Ibn Battutah also lists the number of mosques within the city, and describes the Mustansiriyah College, and how teaching is carried out within it. He again speaks of the great men he encounters, this time the Sultan Abu Sa’id, who is of course also a man of great generosity and excellence. He breaks his account of Abu Sa’id’s charity towards a group of blind beggars to tell of the Sultan’s later life, how he killed the amir that had held power over him when he ascended to the throne at a young age, and his later death at the hands of one of his jealous wives. This section seemed a sharp contrast to the ones surrounding it, and I wondered whether it was inserted to give some more dramatic entertainment to the audience through a story of political and romantic intrigue. It is unclear when or from who Ibn Battutah heard this story, since he is recounting both his journey and the events of Abu Sa’id’s death after they happened, but it’s unlikely that Ibn Battutah was there himself when the fateful murders took place. So it is very likely that, even if he is getting this from another source, it may have already been dramatically embellished by the time it reached him.

Ibn Battutah then returns to the account of his journey, traveling along with the Sultan in his mahallah so that he can see all the ceremonials performed for him. He describes the musicians that play for him, the amirs, the standard-bearers, and the many soldiers that march with them, as well as the punishments they suffer for lagging behind their company. By doing this Ibn Battutah demonstrates the great power of the Sultan, to command so many, as well as a sort of equality in his treatment, as no one, whether they be of high or low rank, is exempt from being punished for wrongdoing. Ibn Battutah journeys with them for ten days, until they arrive in the city of Tabriz.

The Itinerary of Benjamin of Tudela: Jerusalem

October 15, 2025 / / 0 Comments

In this passage, Benjamin of Tudela describes the demographic makeup of Jerusalem, lists several landmarks of note, writes a bit about infrastructure, and describes the surroundings of the city, including the Mount of Olives, the Sea of Sodom, and the valley of Jehoshaphat. Reading this, we can get some idea of the conditions in and around the city at the time, and what the important religious sites were like. He came from just north of Jerusalem from “Mahomerie-le-Grand” or Gibeon, according to him three parasangs from Jerusalem (probably just over ten miles distance, a day or two’s journey). As is common with Benjamin of Tudela, he records no specifics about travel logistics, length of stay, or dates

Jerusalem is and was one of the holiest (if not the holiest) site in all three Abrahamic religions. Since long before Benjamin of Tudela it has been a place unique in all the world because of this. Though he calls the city small, he describes it as very religiously, ethnically, and linguistically diverse, inhabited by Jacobites, Syrians, Greeks, Georgians, Franks, and various others. Since Benjamin’s journey likely began in the mid-1160s, Jerusalem would have still been under Crusader rule for another decade or so, until 1187. He estimates that only 200 Jews remained in Jerusalem, probably a result of the policies of the Christian kings—Jews were deported or temporarily banned throughout much of this period. He does still describe Jewish and Muslim inhabitants, however, and Muslim, Christian, and Jewish holy sites. Jewish dyers did have singular access to the profession in exchange for a small annual tax, according to Benjamin. This was clearly not a high point of the Jewish population in Jerusalem, but perhaps not the darkest either. He notes that the few hundred Jews in the city all live together in one corner of the city, under the Tower of David. Isolation of Jewish communities, either self-imposed or decreed from above, has long been common, especially during hostile administrations. He also writes that there are old Israelite cemeteries just outside the city, but the Christians had been destroying the sepulchres and using the stones to build their own houses.

Since Benjamin of Tudela often writes in a fairly impersonal manner and does not typically discuss logistics or personal experiences, it’s difficult to tell what his experience of Jerusalem was like as a Jewish man, but it seems that he didn’t face any difficulties traveling freely in and out of the city from authorities, at least not ones he found worth mentioning. He talks briefly about some existing Jewish holy sites, including the wall of the court of the Temple, and the old pool used by priests where Jews write their names on the wall. Interestingly, he spends more time on an anecdote about the sepulchres of the kings of Judah than on any other aspect of the city. The story is an explanation of why the exact locations of the sepulchres are hidden and sealed up, as told to him by a Rabbi Abraham el Constantini. Rabbi Abraham is one of the infrequent individuals mentioned which Benjamin of Tudela has a personal exchange with; in other cases, he also relays stories as told to him by Rabbis, whom he clearly finds trustworthy as a whole. This makes sense: Rabbinical status would have implied respectability and learnedness to him.

This excerpt doesn’t directly explain the political and religious climate of Jerusalem at the time, but that theme does run through many parts of it, giving unique insight into the relationship between Christians, Jews, and Muslims from the point of view of a foreigner. It feels like a sort of uneasy accord. However, this is a fairly short piece of writing, and Benjamin of Tudela was simply a traveler, who probably didn’t spend very much time in Jerusalem. As usual, Benjamin is focused mostly on architecture, sightseeing, general lifestyles, interesting stories, and Jewish communities. At most places he stops, he at least briefly describes the condition of the Jewish population, if it exists, potentially indicating that his intended audience is primarily other Jews.

The Travels of Marco Polo: Hormuz (Andrew Conte Post #3)

October 15, 2025 / / 0 Comments

Wrapping up thoughts on Marco Polo

 

As last time, most of what will be covered in this post will be what we discussed in class, specifically, on the travels of Polo from China to “Japan” and India, and the influences of Rustecello. There was a clear and definitive shift in the tone of the writing in the last chapter. Marco Polo becomes considerably more deeming of the people he encounters. Some notable facts he points out are the lack of clothes the farther away he gets from the Khan’s domain.  Additionally, he explains how these people are cannibals and eat the dead if they happen upon them. While there is still mention of goods that these people produce, and the general format of “Use paper money, are idolaters,  burn their dead, and are loyal to the Khan” is still somewhat in place,  Polo begins to abandon it in favor of the more mystical/ foreign stories he wants to tell. The reason for this can be explained by one of two options. The first (and more probable) is that Rustecello wanted to add details that would shock readers and further promote the idea that Asia was a mysterious land. This may be since on Polo’s return home, he had less to talk about. This being true, Rustecello might want to add detail to make the ending more engaging and also promote his romance style writing. The other possibility is that Marco Polo wanted to be as relentless as he was in the final chapters, but because of his ties to the Khan and the potential risk to his life by the Khan, if he demonized the Khan’s kingdom was enough to sway him not to discredit him.

The Book of Margery Kempe: Italy (Bologna + Venice)

October 15, 2025 / / 0 Comments

Rather than traveling with the other pilgrims, Margery Kempe travels to Bologna with an escort, an old man named William Wever who she meets in Constance. Rather than describing the terrain she travels across, she describes feeling the spiritual comfort of God throughout her journey. She does not mention the time it took to travel from Constance to Bologna, though she says that “they went on day by day and met many excellent people. And they didn’t say a bad word to this creature, but gave her and her man food and drink, and the good wives at the lodgings where they put up laid her in their own beds for God’s love in many places where they went” (101). These lines depict her journey as filled with very generous people. It is uncommon for Margery to meet so many people and not be openly insulted or criticized. While the specific type of lodgings Margery stays in are not mentioned, the mention of wives suggests that they may have stayed in people’s personal homes. The incredible level of hospitality described, in which wives give Margery their own beds to sleep in, may imply that in the areas Margery travelled through to reach Bologna, there was a major societal duty of hospitality (especially for women). It is also possible that this description of hospitality is Margery exaggerating, as this section of her journey is not witnessed by the other pilgrims.

Margery writes that she arrived at Bologna faster than the pilgrims that abandoned her, which shocks them and convinces them to allow Margery to rejoin their party. It is possible that because Margery was only traveling with one other person, they did not face any hold ups that a large group of people travelling might have encountered. However, Margery is only allowed to rejoin the group under the condition “you will not talk of the Gospel where we are, but you will sit and make merry, like us, at all meals,” which she agrees to (101). Margery notes nothing else about Bologna, emphasizing her focus on her relationship with God and people’s perceptions of her (often their difficulties with how she expresses her faith).

Margery then states that they travelled to Venice. She does not offer details about her travel (beyond that she is once more traveling in a group). For once, she actually notes how long they stayed in a location– 13 weeks.  Margery writes that while in Venice she receives communion every Sunday in a house of nuns. Her access to communion suggests a strong presence of Christianity in Venice (and considering its close proximity, also in Bologna).  Once more, Margery and her relationships are the primary focus. She writes that she is very welcomed among the nuns, who are “greatly amazed” at Margery’s “devotion and plentiful tears” (102). Margery may be attempting to brag and uplift herself, or, these nuns could have been appreciative of a woman (that is not a nun) with whom they share a strong sense of religious devotion. Additionally, Margery once more causes meal-time conflict by talking about the Gospel despite her agreement not to. Margery then eats alone for six weeks (potentially a reason she originally mentions the length of her stay– in order to emphasize she ate alone for almost half of it).

Margery then describes falling “so ill that she thought she would die” (102). Margery does not mention the symptoms of her illness (though it is logical to think she fell ill due to her constant exposure to the difficulties of travel and new places). She instead emphasizes that she believes God made her ill then well again, perhaps to test her faith or as a form of penance. Margery also adds that her maid servant serves the other pilgrims instead of her while she is sick, building on this victim narrative where Margery is struggling, sick and alone, for God.

While Margery describes incredibly little about Bologna and Venice, her focus on herself, other’s opinions of her, and God, uplifts her as an astonishingly devout woman.

Ibn Fadlan: Bukhara

October 15, 2025 / / 0 Comments

One of the more detailed locations Ibn Fadlan stops at is Bukhara. This is about halfway through His journey. He traveled to Bukhara by camel and stayed for a total of twenty-eight days. He stays here for one of the longest periods of time compared to all the other places he stops on his voyage to Bulghar. His total trip was a year and a half long, so it’s fairly significant that he stayed for almost a month in Bukhara. Fadlan doesn’t give many details about some of the practicalities of his stay. We know that the Amir of Bukhara provided him and his caravan with lodging. The details of this lodging are nonexistent. He also states that the Amir provided a person to “attend to our needs and provide us with everything we might want”(5). He also doesn’t state much about the weather or the terrain of Bukhara.

Fadlan focuses a lot on the conversations and people he meets in Bukhara. He gives a lot of details about who is in power he is speaking and meeting with. He also gives a lot of information about specific places (towns, I’m assuming) in Bukhara that these people are from. They originally met Jahani, the Amir who leads them to Nasir ibn Ahmad. Ahmad discusses with Fadlan their journey and their interaction with the Commander of the Faithful. Ahmad also reads their letter that is asking that he allow the transfer of money to Ahmad ibn Musa. This shows that this stop wasn’t just a random place they rested, but a place of business that was planned for. He also focuses on the coinage and the conversion rates of their money.

These two main focuses remind the reader that this trip isn’t just for exploring. Fadlan’s goals weren’t to necessarily discover and document these places he was randomly visiting. He describes culture and mentions places in passing in smaller sections of his writing. The larger sections of his accounts are clearly linked to his job and the reason he was sent on this trip. We know he works for the Calif and his goal is to go to Bulghar to convert and teach these people (about Islam), as well as provide funds for a building in Bulghar. We observe his cultural bias in various sections. These biases show the conversion and teaching part of his journey. However, in Bukhara, he is describing how the money aspect comes into play. This isn’t necessarily quite interesting for the reader or dense in cultural observations, yet it was probably very relevant to the Calif whom this was written. This section sort of acts like a receipt for the Calif to gain an understanding of what occurred with the money. Fadlan tells the Calif that the person who was supposed to give the money to ibn Musa tricked and imprisoned him. They were unable to get the money as Ibn Musa was nowhere to be found. This is an important detail for Fadlan to write to show the Calif the reason they had issues with the money later on in Bulghar (so he couldn’t be blamed).

His brief explanation of the money also serves the purpose of describing the money aspect of this trip. This section on the coinage is very brief and explains their different types of currency as well as their conversion rates with Fadlan’s known currency, the danaq. Whenever Fadlan details a place, he talks about their culture and customs. To me, this short description of their money is subsidizing his need for a description. It feels like he threw this in to give an account of the location as well as explain to the Calif how the money was working.

This section doesn’t necessarily say much about the culture of Fadlan; however, it shows his career and serves as a reminder of the purpose of this trip. This section is really for the Calif to understand what occurred so that Fadlan doesn’t take the blame for the lack of funds in Bulghar. The only aspect that he details regarding the culture is their money. Which, in a previous blog post, I stated, is because this is foreign to him and to the people reading this. However, as mentioned above, this also serves as a guide for the Calid to understand the conversation of money for Bukhara because a money transfer was supposed to occur here.

The Book of Wanderings of Felix Fabri: Valscian/Spitelli

October 15, 2025 / / 0 Comments

Blog Post Three

The Book of Wanderings of Felix Fabri: Valscian/Spitelli 

Felix Fabri’s beliefs about Germans and Italians become more complex as he descends from the mountainous region of the Alps into the fertile valleys of Northern Italy. After leaving Trent, where these biases first became apparent, Fabri stops in Valscian for a short but significant stop before spending the night in Spitelli. Fabri’s experience of this region shows his growing bias against Italians through the way he describes religious practices, landscape, and linguistic differences.

Fabri’s separation between Germanic and Italian cultures first reappears in his examination of the naming of “Valscian.” He introduces the city in its native “vulgar tongue,” Italian (Fabri ch.1). He then describes it through the Germanic name – “Valscian in der berg” imposing a clear superiority on the Germanic language (Fabri ch.1). He is increasingly interested in language and the naming of things in this region. He remarks on the crossover between these two societies through language: “now this town and consequently the whole of this region is of the Italian language; however almost all the inhabitants know both languages, German and Italian” and views the duality as positive because of the German influence (Fabri ch.1). Felix Fabri’s linguistic examination is furthered through his evaluation of the landscape. According to Fabri – or his un-named sources – the region is named “the dry valley” because the area used to be filled with basins trending towards the sea (Fabri ch.1). His interest in the environment leads to an observation of the landscape: “all the valleys in these mountains which trend towards the sea were once full of water, and were channels leading into the Mediterranean Sea, even as now happens in lands close to the sea” an anecdote which anticipates his trip across the Mediterranean near the end of The Wanderings (Fabri ch.1). Fabri defines this region by its landscape and by its name creating a relationship between a region’s national identity and its physical environment. 

A little down the road, Fabri spends the night in a small town he calls “Spitelli” which he translates to “Little Hospice” (Fabri ch.1). While he does not remark on the physical or natural character of this town, he has strong opinions on the practice of faith. This is new in the narrative, while Fabri has consistently attended mass in each town he passes through, he has yet to take a negative stance on the practice of faith. Fabri attended the only chapel in the village – one without a priest, and could not successfully take holy communion. The church was underprepared or not practicing “correctly” in Fabri’s eyes because “there was no bread or wafer in the pyx in the ambry, nor was there any in all the village, so I turned myself round to the people and told them that the Host was lacking” (Fabri ch.1). He attempted to save the service by preaching himself – in his native German tongue – just to be received by the Italians with “wonderment and surprise” because they had never heard a sermon in his language (Fabri ch.1). Fabri names this service and the experience as a whole “torrid, crude, dry, empty” Mass and quickly leaves the town.

Fabri’s observations in the valleys of Northern Italy further illuminate his inherent reservations against Italians and their practice of religion and culture. He focuses on language as a primary force of difference and emphasises the importance of communication in his experiences in this area. His negative religious experience shows a new perspective for Fabri because he has been previously excited to practice in each of his stops. It will be interesting to see how his biases appear as Felix Fabri ventures farther and farther away from his home culture and religious community.

Ibn Fadlan and the Land of Darkness: Khwarazm

October 15, 2025 / / 0 Comments

Ibn Fadlan visits Khwarazm after he and his group leave Bukhara. He mostly focuses on the people he encounters here, as opposed to any descriptions of the city itself. Ibn Fadlan describes the meeting he had with the ruler of Khwarazm. He writes, “He showed us honor, admitted us to his presence and lodged us in a house” (Fadlan 7). The ruler was very hospitable and allowed the group to stay in a house. However, a conflict arose when Ibn Fadlan requested that the ruler grant them passage to travel to the land of the Turks. The ruler tells him that he cannot, in good conscience, permit them to go to the land of the Turks because it is too dangerous. The ruler also believed that there was some kind of “trick” involved in all of this, and that they would need to ask the amir to ask the caliph for permission for the group to continue on their journey (Fadlan 7). Eventually, with some convincing and flattery, the ruler was convinced and allowed them to pass through. Ibn Fadlan also describes the people of Khwarazm in a very unflattering way: “The Khwarazm are the most barbarous of people, both in speech and customs” (Fadlan 7). He describes their language and speaking as “the cries of starlings,” meaning that it is hard on the ear and the equivalent of a squawking bird (Fadlan 7). He also denotes their currency, the tazja, and claims that they are “false, adulterated with lead of bronze” (Fadlan 7). He believes that this currency is inadequate and continues to compare it with his own currency, the dirham. 

Ibn Fadlan arrived in Khwarazm in mid-to-late 921. He left after about a week due to the amount of time it took for him to convince the ruler to carry on with their journey to the land of the Turks. Ibn Fadlan and his group arrived at Khwarazm from Bukhara by boat. They travelled across the river and in “intense cold” for many days (Fadlan 6). Once they got to Khwarazm, they stayed in a house provided by the ruler of Khwarazm. They eventually left Khwarazm by boat and went to Jurjaniya. 

Ibn Fadlan, the writer, clearly demonstrates his purpose for this journey and for whom this book was intended: the caliph who sent him on this mission to spread his faith to the land of the Turks. Ibn Fadlan intently describes his conflict with the Khwarazm Shah Muhammad ibn Iraq, the ruler of Khwarazm, and does not fail to boost his own image while simultaneously questioning the ruler’s thoughts and opinions. Ibn Fadlan quotes the ruler, “‘The caliph has been misled in all of this…You must write to the noble amir, so that he can get in touch with the caliph – may God strengthen him! – by letter’” (Fadlan 7). Ibn Fadlan specifically writes down that the ruler thinks that the caliph is being fooled, which the caliph will not look kindly on. He is a powerful ruler and commands respect from all, which is why Ibn Fadlan also incorporates the “may God strengthen him!” message every time the caliph is mentioned throughout conversations. However, Ibn Fadlan highlights the fact that he has a letter from the caliph that approves of the continuation of this journey: “‘Here are the orders of the Commander of the Faithful and his letter. Why refer to him again on this subject?’” (Fadlan 7). This portrays Ibn Fadlan as someone who trusts the caliph’s word and does not want to waste his time, which is how an employee would like to be viewed by their boss. Ibn Fadlan wants the caliph to know that he is focused on his task and that he is honoring the caliph every step of the way. He does not shy away from sacrificing others’ images in the eyes of the caliph to promote his own. He wants this record of information about his journey to reflect what a great job he did on behalf of the caliph.

The Itinerary of Benjamin of Tudela: Jerusalem

October 15, 2025 / / 0 Comments

Benjamin of Tudela’s account of Jerusalem focused primarily on the major sites of worship and the variety therein. He described the vast diversity of peoples found there as “Jacobites, Syrians, Greeks, Georgians and Franks, and of people of all tongues” (35). He claimed that these were the names the Muslim residents had for these peoples which shows that while he acknowledged the diversity of peoples in Jerusalem, he had little personal ethnographic interests. His attention quickly turned back to architecture, which has been his primary focus whenever he stopped to say more than the briefest description of a place. In quick succession, he mentions the Sepulcher, which is a holy place for Christians, the Dome of the Rock, a Muslim holy site, and the western wall, which is a Jewish holy site (36-37). The proximity of these locations makes the quick transitions easy; however, his description shows how tightly intertwined the members of the Abrahamic religions were in Jerusalem. Despite traveling in the wake of the second crusade, the city Benjamin describes has plentiful Christians, Muslims, and Jews all worshipping in the same areas. The differences are in the way each religion’s presence appears. Jewish structures are shown to be the base on which later developments are added. The Tower of David and western wall are relics of an ancient past which permeates the city despite the small Jewish population. Islamic structures are the ones built on top of the ancient ones. They are the contemporary rulers who hold the most current sway. Even though the sites Benjamin mentions are not themselves new, they are recent in comparison. Islamic influence is the driving force of change in Jerusalem which builds upon the Jewish past. The Christians, however, are presented as a primarily military presence. The remnants of the crusades appear in the hospital of St. John, the Temple of Solomon, and the combined seven hundred knights house between them. The Temple of Solomon is another ancient site that has been taken over by the crusaders. They are not described as contributing to the growth of the city, but rather as heavily armed pilgrims making dramatic shows of force.
This section also features a more narrative anecdote which stands out dramatically from Benjamin’s otherwise incredibly dry writing. He tells a story he heard about a pair of workmen who entered the sepulchers of the biblical kings and were scared off by the voice of God (38-40). This story shows a sense of wonder that Benjamin has for the holy land and the belief in an increase in miracles in this holy and historied place. Biblical lands deserve recent stories that reaffirm the divine nature of the sites. The story also reaffirms the place of the Jewish community as the guardians of ancient sites in Jerusalem, as when an issue arose with the restoration of the sepulcher the Patriarch turned to Rabbi Abraham (who supposedly told Benjamin this story himself) for assistance (40). Jewish scholars are framed as the ultimate authorities on ancient relics and how to handle them. Their sites form the foundation of the holy city and are protected by God himself.

Ibn Fadlan: Bukhara

October 14, 2025 / / 0 Comments

The first major stop that Ibn Fadlan describes is his caravan’s stay in Bukhara. This is a settlement some miles away from the Jayhun river (Amu Darya). Ibn Fadlan must cross the Amul desert via camel and rent a boat to cross the river. He then stays in Baykand before finally ending up in Bukhara (4).

                  The nature of their stay is different from their other stops (which are primarily utilized to rest and recharge). Ibn Fadlan and his caravan are expecting to meet Ahmad Ibn Musa during the first few days of their stay in Bukhara. The Amir, Nasr ibn Ahmad, is supposed to give the money (taken from a Fadl Ibn Musa’s estate due to a form of legal action) to Ahmad Ibn Musa so the caravan can bring it to the King of the Bulghars (5). However, Ibn Fadlan waits for twenty-eight days, and Ahmad Ibn Musa never shows up, so the caravan must carry on because of the weather.

                  While in Bukhara, Ibn Fadlan does not mention much about the place or the people. He does, however, write about the money in Bukhara: “I saw different kinds of dirhams in Bukhara, some called ghitrifidirhams, made of copper, brass and bronze” (6). He says this form of money is used to pay marriage dowries and the selling of slaves and property. He iterates this in a neutral way; however, he does mention that the coins are “counted out, without being weighed” (6). This remark makes Ibn Fadlan come off as skeptical like he does not trust this method of payment. Considering he is encountering this different form of payment for the first time, he could have added this passage to inform others (the Caliph and anyone else who may read his writing) and exercise caution around new coinage as it may not be exact in worth. Additionally, Ibn Fadlan’s interest in the coinage of Bukhara is likely because the caravan stopped there to collect a sum of money and failed. Therefore, he writes about the money and its possible fraudulence as a mode of defense.

                  In this passage as a whole, Ibn Fadlan is very detailed when talking about meeting with the Amir and what happened to Ahmad Ibn Musa (he gets captured by people working for Fadl Ibn Musa). He is also very certain of himself when reiterating what happened to Ahmad Ibn Musa (despite the likelihood that he did not find out Ibn Musa’s fate for some time) using phrases like “in fact” and “he wrote as follows” (5). Ibn Fadlan’s purpose for this could be to defend himself and his caravan from retaliation from the Caliph or the King of the Bulghars due to their failure to obtain the money. Ibn Fadlan writes that he was told, “If we stay any longer, winter will come and we will not be able to travel” (6). For the sake of the mission as a whole, the caravan had to leave. Ibn Fadlan is making sure to write this down; they had no other choice, and they did all they could.

Ibn Fadlān. Ibn Fadlān and the Land of Darkness: Arab Travelers in the Far North.Translated by Paul Lunde, Penguin Classic, 2012.

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