Category: Ibn Fadlan (Page 1 of 3)

Travelling during the Middle Ages was not an easy task due to the lack of information people had on foreign areas, the limited options for travelling – either by foot or by animal – and the risk of coming into contact with dangerous persons or events. Even so, people, like ibn Fadlan, still journeyed into the unknown world. Fadlan’s journey took place from 921-922, and he travelled over 2,000 miles from Baghdad to Bulghar, or modern-day Republic of Tatarstan. Although the Middle Ages did not have an abundance of mapping technology, there were some advancements made, like the creation of the Tabula Rogeriana in 1154. The Tabula Rogeriana, created by Muhammad ibn Muhammad al-Idrisi and commissioned by King Roger II of Sicily, was a huge step forward for cartographical progress during this era (Sturtevant). I have produced ibn Fadlan’s trip on both a modern map and the Tabula Rogeriana, which creates a better understanding of what travel was like in the medieval era compared to how travel is in the modern age. Although both maps were created centuries after Fadlan took this journey, considering the medieval map, it goes to show the sheer difficulty of traveling during medieval times due to the lack of information and preparation travelers like Fadlan had access to. 

While mapping this journey on two different maps from different points in time, the disparities between the maps are very apparent. For the modern map, mapping ibn Fadlan’s stops was fairly easy. I only ran into some difficulties because some of the cities do not even exist anymore. Most of the cities Fadlan traveled to now have a different name in the modern world than when he visited, so I needed to research on the cities’ modern equivalents. The name changes can be because of some historical implications, like perhaps someone conquered the city and changed the name, or it can be the result of linguistic and cultural influences changing over the course of history. Other than that, it was pretty simple to transcribe his journey onto the modern map because I just typed in the name of the city, and the technology took care of the rest. The medieval map was certainly not as simple. To start, the Tabula Rogeriana is flipped from the modern perspective, meaning North is down and South is up. This is due to the Arab-Islamic cartography influences al-Idrisi learned,

where the scholars depicted North at the bottom of the map and South at the top because they believed up is good and down is bad (Pastuch), so I needed to reorient my thinking. Then, I needed to place the points I believe to be the locations of the cities Fadlan visited purely based on the modern map. The Tabula Rogeriana has cities depicted by the little black dots, but the labeling is all in Arabic, which I do not speak, so I had to estimate to the best of my ability. Also, the Tabula Rogeriana does not include borders on the map, so I needed to use other landmarks to help with my estimation of each point, such as the mountains and rivers. The inclusion of the different topographical elements denoting mountains and rivers show that although this map is from an entirely different era, they still had the ability to track and illustrate these features, which would be of great help to a medieval traveler. 

Both maps presented challenges when mapping out Fadlan’s journey, but the medieval map of the Tabula Rogeriana is definitely the more difficult one to use. Cartographers had limited information since the only information they had was either their own experience or their colleagues’ experience, so they ran the risk of spreading false information about these locations. The Tabula Rogeriana had the influence of people from all different religious, occupational, and cultural backgrounds, which is what made this map so important for its time (Pastuch). The collaboration of the Arab-Islamic influences al-Idrisi learned from the Balkhi School of Geography (Pastuch) and King Roger II’s Christian influences is why this is one of the earliest examples of multiculturalism, which is demonstrated by the lack of borders included in the map. The area is one united mass and not separated by religious differences or culture. On the modern map the borders separate countries by government control and territorial agreements. Information for the modern map does not come from word of mouth, but by modern technology. This technology gathers every piece of data about every location on Earth. Modern travelers do not face nearly as many of the same concerns as the medieval travelers, and it is all because of technology. There is no guesswork, the information is all at their fingertips. 

Ibn Fadlan’s journey included various stressful points, but his lowest point during his journey was his visit to Jurjaniya due to the intensely cold climate. He and his group needed to stay in Jurjaniya for three months due to the frigid weather and he describes it as, “the cold of hell” (Fadlan 7). Fadlan would have greatly benefitted from modern technology, especially weather applications that would have warned him about the climate of the area he traveled to; furthermore, the modern map could also give him an alternate route so he could avoid places that would cause him such hardship. It took Ibn Fadlan about a year to travel about 2,000 miles, and in the modern age, that trip could take a person five hours by plane. It is miraculous how far technology has come and what it has given people the ability to accomplish. Ibn Fadlan virtually traveled all that distance to meet the king of the Saqaliba in the land of the Turks (Fadlan 25), which in modern day could have been a day trip or a Zoom meeting. Ibn Fadlan was proud to serve the caliph and promote Islamic worship, but I assume he would have appreciated the modern inventions that decrease the risk and hardship of travel needed to accomplish tasks. 

Works Cited

Ibn Faḍlān, Aḥmad, et al. Ibn Fadlān and the Land of Darkness : Arab Travellers in the Far North. Penguin Books, 2012.

Pastuch, Carissa. “Al-Idrisi’s Masterpiece of Medieval Geography.” Library of Congress Blogs, Jan. 2022, blogs.loc.gov/maps/2022/01/al-idrisis-masterpiece-of-medieval-geography/.

Sturtevant, Paul B. “A Wonder of the Multicultural Medieval World: The Tabula Rogeriana.” The Public Medievalist, 9 Mar. 2017, publicmedievalist.com/greatest-medieval-map/. Accessed 9 Mar. 2017.

Link to the Map: https://uploads.knightlab.com/storymapjs/8a189b31caf6b10f26b6a6b4e1888875/the-travels-of-ibn-fadlan/index.html

Medieval and Modern Maps

Mapping Ibn Fadlan’s journey on both a modern map and Al Masudi’s World Map reveal how a medieval traveler may see their journey compared to a modern understanding of travel. The two maps showcase different views of the world through the visual and physical elements that they contain or may lack in comparison to each other. Additionally, these maps can help pinpoint areas of significance in the past, such as national identity and difficulties with medieval travels, to give insight to how they have evolved in modern times.

On the surface level, there are physical differences about the visual representations  of each map. Firstly, the modern map has north oriented up, while the medieval map has south at the top. Thus, the direction of Ibn Fadlan’s journey is reversed depending on which map is observed. Al Masudi’s map also shows a significantly smaller portion of the world compared to the modern map. The portion that is shown on the medieval map portrays the land masses disproportionately to their actual size; which, reflects Al Masudi’s knowledge of the world at the time. Additionally, there are geographical differences. In the modern map viewers are able to see different terrain including mountain ranges, deserts, rivers, and larger bodies of water, as well as elevation. There is also the added benefit of being able to zoom in on different areas to get a better understanding of particular destinations. In comparison, Al Masudi’s map only shows rough sketches of mountain ranges, seas, and the ocean. These differences highlight the difficulty of navigating travel in the Middle Ages. Other than a few landmarks, there are very few ways for a medieval traveler to be certain of where they are going by solely utilizing a map. 

Further differences between the two maps can shed light on the various ideas held about the world within both. For example, throughout history humans have become more dependent on politically defined borders to divide countries and express ownership of land. The maps portray this notion through the lack of borders on Al Masudi’s map that are present on the modern map. An idea about the world that this showcases is the dynamic nature of nations and states in the Middle Ages. Empires and states were in constant flux and were either expanding, shrinking, appearing, or disappearing. With fewer means of communication and travel, there was likely less rigidity on national ownership of land especially on the outskirts of a large empire. Paying taxes or tribute was likely the most interaction that occurred between smaller villages and the center of a large nation. The appearance of land borders on the modern map can also signal a growth in national identity over time. Even looking at the travel narratives in class, there is a sense of national identity (portrayed through a form of patriotism or bias toward one’s own country) that develops in the medieval travelers that correlates to the progression of time. Ibn Fadlan, an islamic jurist who lived during the 900s, demonstrates a stronger connection with faith in his identity rather than nationality. This correlates to his placement in time being earlier in the Middle Ages than the other travelers in the class. Additionally, most of his negative views about others come from differences in religion or lack of correct adherence to Islam rather than nationality (Ibn Fadlan). Al Masudi, similarly, was an islamic scholar from the 10th century, and his map reflects the lack of land borders and thus national identity that people may have experienced during his time (Ahmed). Ultimately, the visual differences between the medieval and the modern maps can give insight to ideas of significance for travelers in the Middle Ages.

Compared to our modern understanding of travel, medieval travelers, such as Ibn Fadlan, likely had very different views about their place in the world and the significance of their travels. Ibn Fadlan’s journey seems a lot smaller on the modern map compared to the medieval map, in part due to the limited knowledge in the Middle Ages of the Americas and the vast size of the globe. Subsequently, Ibn Fadlan seems to travel a decent chunk of the world on Al Masudi’s map reflecting Ibn Fadlan’s own ideas about his and his journey’s significance. In the distance he travels, the climate changes drastically and he experiences what he calls “the cold of hell” (Ibn Fadlan 8). The change in climate would coincide with the change in climes, getting closer to hell, and nearing the tribes of Gog and Magog which are at the ends of the Earth. That distance would seem a lot larger in the Middle Ages since the true expansive nature of the world was unknown. Additionally, as seen on Al Masudi’s World Map, Ibn Fadlan’s travel starts at the center of the world—the Middle East—which reflects the importance of the Islamic world to both these men. Ibn Fadlan’s travels end much closer to the edge of the Earth on the medieval map. All land is surrounded by water on the map, but a sense of the unknown persists. Ibn Fadlan is traveling to, what seems to be, the edge of the Earth. His own ideas about his travel likely include a fear of the unknown, an understanding of possible danger, and a sense that he traveled a proportionally larger distance than he actually did. 

Ultimately, looking at a medieval traveler’s journey on both a modern and medieval map can lead to further insights on ideas about travel during the Middle Ages compared to modern times. Ibn Fadlan’s journey drawn out on Al Masudi’s World Map is just one example of this. The map reflects Ibn Fadlan’s attitudes and experiences with travel like the abundance of uncertainty whilst traveling and the fear of the unknown. However, the modern map shows a different story due to a greater knowledge of geography, stabilized state territories, and technological advances over time. 

Works Cited

Ahmed, Nazeer. “Al Masudi.” History of Islam: an encyclopedia of Islamic history, https://historyofislam.com/contents/the-classical-period/al-masudi/ Accessed 20 November 2025. 

“Earth Map according to Al-Masudi.” Wikimedia Commons, 10 July 2022, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Earth_Map_according_to_Al-Masudi.svg Accessed 20 November 2025.

Ibn Fadlān. Ibn Fadlān and the Land of Darkness: Arab Travelers in the Far North. Translated by Paul Lunde, Penguin Classic, 2012.

Towards the end of the book, Ibn Fadlan describes his long journey from Jurjaniya through the “land of the Turks” to get to his final destination: the king of the Saqaliba. He describes the journey as flat and “desert-like”, but he says that it was still freezing, as it had been in Jurjaniya (Fadlan 11). He and his caravan started this journey in March 922, and they arrived at the end of their journey in May 922, so it took seventy days to travel. 

Ibn Fadlan discusses many different things throughout his travels through the land of the Turks, and they are mostly blunt descriptions and opinions about the people and their customs. He speaks about their “filth and immodesty” on multiple occasions, citing the fact that “[t]heir women do not veil themselves” and they saw a woman’s private parts, which was extremely shocking (Fadlan 12). He is accustomed to women veiling themselves before men, so it was surprising enough that they were not veiled. But when he met a stranger’s wife and saw all of her, he was completely taken aback. This is very different than what happens in Baghdad.

He also mentions their custom of wearing clothes until they fall apart: “I saw the tunic he was wearing under the brocade. It was so filthy it was in rags, for it is their custom never to take off a piece of clothing until it falls to pieces” (Fadlan 20). He seems insulted by these customs, and he finds himself sticking his nose up at them. He believes that these practices are unsophisticated and borderline barbaric, which he does not try to hide in his writings. In a particularly disdainful passage, Fadlan refers to the Bashgirds (a Turkish people) as “the worst of the Turks, the dirtiest and ready to kill” (Fadlan 23). He claims that these people cut off heads for no reason and carry them around like a prize, and eat bugs from off their clothes. 

Based on Ibn Fadlan’s fascination and descriptions of the Turkish people, and his main focus on the negatives and disparities of their ways compared to his own, one could say that Ibn Fadlan believes himself and the place that he comes from to be of a higher class. His writings come off in a sort of snobbish way due to the constant insulting of the Turks and their customs. Now, he does not exclusively insult these people. In some instances, he simply describes, like when he comes across a group that worships snakes and cranes. As a man who is on an expedition for a more religious pursuit on behalf of his caliph, it would be fair to assume he would not approve of the worship of anything other than God, but he does not contest or mock in this circumstance; he only observes and reports. This leads me to believe that he does not care so much about Islam, but more about the customs and the behavior of the people he comes across. He comes from a city, presumably of wealth and sophistication, so it is shocking to him to meet people who do not share the same level he is accustomed to. He makes sure to report these oddities that he comes across for his caliph, possibly, to agree with him and confirm his distaste for these people; or maybe he notes these instances out of pure curiosity and bewilderment. He has traveled all this way, so far from his home city, and he wants to make it known all that he has seen. The crazier the better for stories like these, and Ibn Fadlan goes to great lengths to communicate the extremities he encounters on his journey through the land of the Turks. 

      Ibn Fadlan’s purpose for going on this trip was to get to Bulghar. He arrives in Bulghar after a lofty journey. He doesn’t state how long it takes him to get to Bulghar from Baghdad, but it was seventy days from Jutijaniya and a year and a half round trip. The final push, to where the King he needs to meet resides, was a day and a night’s journey. When they arrived, they were greeted by the four kings under the king of the Saqaliba, as well as their brothers and sons. Fadlan’s group was given tents to sleep in. He gives far less detail about the condition of these tents than he did in Jurijaniya. However, he does state that they arrived in May, so it was warmer then it was when he was in Jurijaniya, despite being more northern. Fadlan describes their wait for everyone to assemble to read the letter that the Calif had sent. Fadlan spends quite a lot of time describing the formalities of their stay. He describes the reading of the letter, the gifts he received, the dinner they sat through, and the King’s adoption of a Muslim name. He also describes their discussion of the money. After he gets through the practicalities of his job, he continues to mention their improper religious rituals. He then describes their customs as well as the things he witnesses (such as the northern lights). He spends quite a lot of time mentioning food and animals. He mentions Islam a few more times towards the end of the section, and then he goes into all of the legends of the area.

            It’s interesting how he organizes this section of his writing. He intertwines their legends, customs, and their improper religious customs or Islamic conversion. This section seems to encapsulate his purpose for writing. He gets down to his business that he must accomplish. He describes this early on as it is the priority for traveling. This makes sense because he was sent on this journey to deliver money to help build a mosque. This would have been a priority to the Calif who was reading this. He would have wanted to be informed about the details that transpired between Fadlan and the King. Then Fadlan goes on to describe the customs that come with judgment. For example, he states that they “use fish oil, so that everything they make with it smells bad” (35). Between describing their culture, he goes into Islamic practices. This seems like it is included to please the Calif. He spends significantly more time describing the customs; this is seemingly where his interest lies. His judgment and religious mentions obviously show aspects of his culture. However, where I think the most interesting tell about his beliefs lies in the descriptions of their legends. He describes the Gog and Magog, which is not a belief that was only held by the Turks. The description of their physical differences is very interesting. Fadlan is reporting the story that he heard from the King. This story upholds the belief that the people who are outside the known world of the Muslims are bad and different. Fadlan displays this bias in his descriptions of culture, contradicting himself with the reporting of this legend. His ideas about the people he met as he traveled more North were created by this idea of the unknown and hellish people. He believes this tale he hears from the King, which shows the same biases he previously held about the Turks he is currently with. This shows how, not only in Islamic culture but in the early Middle Ages, legends, beliefs, and biases are spread. This section shows a larger way that information was spread in the Middle Ages, rather than just a close-up into Fadlan’s cultural beliefs.

After Ibn Fadlan and his companions leave Bukhārā, they make their way to Kwārazm. To arrive here, they “hired” a boat and traveled by river (6). This means they did not need to bring their own boats like they do once they are past the Land of the Turks. They began their travel due to the approach of winter, and the distance between Bukhārā and Kwārazm is “200 farsakhs” (6).  Ibn Fadlan writes that the weather was extremely cold making it difficult to travel. They would have to stop on the shore, only traveling for a certain amount of time each day, due to the freezing temperatures. Once they arrive in Kwārazm, Ibn Fadlan stays in the house of the leader. After a few days, Ibn Fadlan and others are given an audience with the leader who does not believe their journey is genuine (believing the Caliph is being misled).  After some time, Ibn Fadlan and his fellow travelers are able to convince the leader of Kwārazm to let them leave. To get to their next stop, Jurjāniya, they must also travel by river for “50 farsakhs” (7).

One of the things Ibn Fadlan takes note of in this area is the money. He records how much the coins weigh and the names for them. He claims their dirhams are faulty, and he states the dirhams are “adulterated with lead or bronze” (7). Additionally, Ibn Fadlan observes the language of the people of Kwārazm and neighboring villages. He claims their language sounds like “the cries of starlings” or “the croaking of frogs,” while simultaneously calling the people “barbarous” (7-8). At the end of the section, Ibn Fadlan mentions that the people in a village nearby “deny the legitimacy of the Commander of the Faithful (…) at the end of every prayer” (8).

While Ibn Fadlan does not focus on the culture or customs of the people in Kwārazm, what he does focus on, coinage and language, reveals a possible purpose for recording this area. A lot of what Ibn Fadlan discusses in this section is likely a report for the Caliph. A change in coinage can affect people traveling through the caliphate. If they are using faulty, not to standard money (or what Ibn Fadlan views as faulty), that can be a potential political issue that the Caliph needs to know about if more travelers are sent to the area (especially if they need to make purchases). Or if they are worried about potential scams regarding travelers or tax collection and tribute. Also, the people around Kwārazm supposedly denying the power of the commander of the faithful can be concerning for the Caliph’s power. Lastly, Ibn Fadlan’s focus on language likely stems from cultural differences. Hearing a new language is likely jarring. It also means he cannot communicate as effectively in this region (needing a translator). Most people are going to be biased toward their own language. However, the adjectives he uses to describe their language is likely rooted in bigotry. These cultural differences likely cast a shadow on his perceptions of the people in Kwārazm.

Ibn Fadlān. Ibn Fadlān and the Land of Darkness: Arab Travelers in the Far North. Translated by Paul Lunde, Penguin Classic, 2012.

In this section of the book, Ibn Fadlan mostly focuses on the extremely cold climate of Jurjaniya. The way to travel through Jurjaniya was to travel across the Jayhun River; however, due to the frigid weather, the river froze for three months, and they could not cross it. Ibn Fadlan stayed in a house during the duration of his stay, but even in the house, he was freezing. He and his group stayed in Jurjaniya for over three months due to this cold: “The cold and the hardships it causes were the reasons for the length of the stay” (Fadlan 8). He gives an anecdote about how two men took their camels into the woods without the ability to make a fire, and their camels froze to death by the next morning. He also mentions how beggars are even allowed to come inside other people’s homes and sit by the fire while they beg for bread. This place was unbelievably cold, even for those who live there. It was impossible for Ibn Fadlan and his traveling companions to do anything, let alone carry on with their journey, due to these conditions. He describes how his beard froze into “a block of ice,” and how the markets and streets were all bare because no one could withstand the freezing temperatures (Fadlan 9). After three months, the Jayhun River melted, and the group purchased camels and made foldable boats made out of camel skin to continue on their journey. 

I think Ibn Fadlan was particularly scarred by his visit to Jurjaniya due to the coldness. He goes on for multiple pages, intently describing how Jurjaniya was “the cold of hell,” but interestingly enough, he does not speak ill of the people in this city (Fadlan 7). In many different instances of this book, Ibn Fadlan does not hesitate to pass judgment on the people he encounters on his travels, but here, he describes, “The local people, with whom we were on friendly terms, urged us to be prudent as regards to clothing and to take large quantities” (Fadlan 9). I assumed that Ibn Fadlan would not be very friendly or warm to the people of this place because of his horrible experiences, but instead, he does not pass judgment and accepts their help. I also thought Ibn Fadlan might attribute the bitter cold to the people of Jurjaniya, pertaining to the seven climes ideology that was popular during this time, which stated that if the climate of a place was bitterly cold, they were closer to hell. Regardless, he spends a lot of time in Jurjaniya but did not say much about the culture or the people because the cold weather was so insufferable that he could not think about anything else. He may also have included such intense detail about the cold to excuse the delay of his journey. His caliph, back in Baghdad, sent him on this mission to spread his religion to the land of the Turks, and he was the original audience of this book. If Ibn Fadlan returned and the caliph was upset about how long his journey took, Ibn Fadlan would want to have these details that explain, or even exaggerate, the circumstances that led to his delay. 

Ibn Fadlan’s last stopping place, described before he arrived in Bulghar, was Jurjanya. He and his caravan stayed here for quite some time due to the weather. They were trapped in this “country,” as he describes it. Jurjanya is near the Jayhun River, which he needed to pass in order to reach Bulghar. Upon his arrival in Jurjanya, the Jayhun river froze, which wasn’t necessarily what precluded them from continuing as “ horses, mules, donkeys, and carts slid over the ice” (8). It was the sheer cold that prevented them from continuing. They initially intended to stay here for a few days, but ended up staying for a little over three months. They had to have arrived in late November, as he states they leave in the middle of February, (this also lines up with the months the river would have been frozen). He also details the practicalities of his departure from Jurjanya: “ We bought Turkish camels and had boats made out of camel skin… We laid in three months’ supply of bread, millet, and dried and salted meat”(9). Fadlan describes the people as hospitable; a man invites him into his home to warm up by the fire, and he describes this custom as “it is a rule among them that beggars do not wait at the door but come into the house and sit for an hour by the fire to warm up”(8). Fadlan gives details about where he slept (more details than usual). He was provided a house to stay in. This house was “inside, which was another, inside which was a Turkish felt tent” (9). He also gives great detail of his clothing that he wore while attempting to stay warm. He said he was “wrapped in clothes and fur” while inside his house to keep warm (9). He also has an entire section describing the clothes they wore in Jurjanya.

            Fadlan heavily focuses on the weather and how these people survive the cold. He touches a bit on the customs of these people, yet those customs are still related to the weather. He describes the clothes that the “local people with whom we were on friendly terms” wore; they warned Fadlan about the importance of keeping warm (9). They wore “a tunic and over that a caftan, on top a cloak of sheepskin, and over that a felt outer garment, with a head covering…plain trousers, and another padded pair, socks. Horse hide boots… other boots” (9-10). This is the most description we get of anything from this culture… their clothes. In this section, Fadlan uses very specific and vibrant language to describe the weather. He is sure to get his point across about how cold it is.

            In other locations, Fadlan typically passes judgment on the people he is interacting with. These judgments typically reflect the culture that he comes from. In Jurijanya, his observations reflect a different aspect of his Islamic culture. He is very focused on the cold and describes the cold as “ a gate to the cold of hell” (8). Hell in Islam is imagined as cold and icy rather than hot and burning. They also believe the farther towards the poles they go, the stranger the people who inhabit these places are. Using this view of the world, it is clear why he was so focused on the cold: he may have believed he was on the cusp of hell. His reactions and focus on the weather also show the climate he is used to. He has never before experienced such weather in Baghdad. Instead of telling stories that show cultural practices, he tells stories of people who have died of the cold. He also recounts personal experiences with the cold, such as “returning to the house, I looked at my beard. It was a block of ice,” and “I saw the earth split and great crevasses form from the intense cold” (9). Remembering that he is writing his stories for the Calif can help discern why he focuses so much on the cold. He is trying to convey to people who have never experienced this cold before what it is like. This description of the cold sheds light on the climate and geographical “culture” he comes from.

From pages 23 to 25 Ibn Fadlan passes through a Turkish territory, and the people he meets he calls the Bāshghirds. The caravan had to cross many rivers before entering the land of the Bāshghirds. Interestingly none of the names of the rivers appear on the map, “The Journey of Ibn Fadlān, 921-922” (suggesting the names may have changed). Ibn Fadlan and his fellow travelers had to journey on these rivers on “folding boats made of camel skin” (22). He was impressed by the Jāyikh river which he says is “the most impressive and the swiftest” river he has seen (23). Additionally, the river they crossed to get to the land of the Bāshghirds was the Kunjulū. To leave the land of the Bāshghirds they also had to cross a river called the Jirimshān (and then many others). This is an interesting aspect, because there were very few concrete political borders at this time. The rivers, somewhat, outline the lands of different groups. This suggest that there was a reliance on natural borders at the time to define where people lived. When Ibn Fadlan is among the Bāshghirds he focuses on their religious and spiritual practices/customs. He observes that they keep wooden phalluses with them and some of them believe in twelve lords who oversee different aspects of the earth. Ibn Fadlan also observes religious differences amongst the Bāshghirds. He states, “We saw a clan that worships snakes and another that worships fish and another that worships cranes” (24). Beyond religion, Ibn Fadlan describes these people as “dirty” (23). He claims they eat lice and fleas after he witnesses one man do so.

                  In this section there is an emphasis on cultural divisions. Ibn Fadlan’s tone does not come off as judgmental or dismissive when he discusses their religious practices. It is indifferent and just sounds like he is recording what he sees. The part where his tone changes is in relation to their cleanliness and eating bugs. He calls them the “dirtiest” along with the “worst” which emphasizes his relationship to cleanliness. Ibn Fadlan’s deep connection to his faith and his job (Islamic Jurist) likely influence his perceptions. He is indifferent to their religious practices because the Bāshghirds are not Islamic, however, Ibn would take cleaning rituals very seriously. Therefore, he may associate moral value with dirtiness or cleanliness.

                  Additionally, Ibn Fadlan’s connection to his job and faith further influences his perceptions based on geography. Ibn Fadlan does not stay in the Bāsghird’s territory for very long based on his writings. A majority of what he witnesses (despite the instance with the man supposedly eating a flea) is their religion to which he is indifferent. Yet, he immediately makes assumptions about their qualities. He calls the Bāshghirds “the worst of the Turks” (23). This group of people also happen to be in the most northern part of Turkish territory (right before entering another territory-Bulghar). His perceptions of people are progressively becoming more negative as he advances north; which he would like associate with Hell and the tribes of Gog and Magog. Therefore, despite his short stay with these people, he considers them poorly and dislikes them immediately.

Ibn Fadlān. Ibn Fadlān and the Land of Darkness: Arab Travelers in the Far North.Translated by Paul Lunde, Penguin Classic, 2012.

One of the more detailed locations Ibn Fadlan stops at is Bukhara. This is about halfway through His journey. He traveled to Bukhara by camel and stayed for a total of twenty-eight days. He stays here for one of the longest periods of time compared to all the other places he stops on his voyage to Bulghar. His total trip was a year and a half long, so it’s fairly significant that he stayed for almost a month in Bukhara. Fadlan doesn’t give many details about some of the practicalities of his stay. We know that the Amir of Bukhara provided him and his caravan with lodging. The details of this lodging are nonexistent. He also states that the Amir provided a person to “attend to our needs and provide us with everything we might want”(5). He also doesn’t state much about the weather or the terrain of Bukhara.

Fadlan focuses a lot on the conversations and people he meets in Bukhara. He gives a lot of details about who is in power he is speaking and meeting with. He also gives a lot of information about specific places (towns, I’m assuming) in Bukhara that these people are from. They originally met Jahani, the Amir who leads them to Nasir ibn Ahmad. Ahmad discusses with Fadlan their journey and their interaction with the Commander of the Faithful. Ahmad also reads their letter that is asking that he allow the transfer of money to Ahmad ibn Musa. This shows that this stop wasn’t just a random place they rested, but a place of business that was planned for. He also focuses on the coinage and the conversion rates of their money.

These two main focuses remind the reader that this trip isn’t just for exploring. Fadlan’s goals weren’t to necessarily discover and document these places he was randomly visiting. He describes culture and mentions places in passing in smaller sections of his writing. The larger sections of his accounts are clearly linked to his job and the reason he was sent on this trip. We know he works for the Calif and his goal is to go to Bulghar to convert and teach these people (about Islam), as well as provide funds for a building in Bulghar. We observe his cultural bias in various sections. These biases show the conversion and teaching part of his journey. However, in Bukhara, he is describing how the money aspect comes into play. This isn’t necessarily quite interesting for the reader or dense in cultural observations, yet it was probably very relevant to the Calif whom this was written. This section sort of acts like a receipt for the Calif to gain an understanding of what occurred with the money. Fadlan tells the Calif that the person who was supposed to give the money to ibn Musa tricked and imprisoned him. They were unable to get the money as Ibn Musa was nowhere to be found. This is an important detail for Fadlan to write to show the Calif the reason they had issues with the money later on in Bulghar (so he couldn’t be blamed).

His brief explanation of the money also serves the purpose of describing the money aspect of this trip. This section on the coinage is very brief and explains their different types of currency as well as their conversion rates with Fadlan’s known currency, the danaq. Whenever Fadlan details a place, he talks about their culture and customs. To me, this short description of their money is subsidizing his need for a description. It feels like he threw this in to give an account of the location as well as explain to the Calif how the money was working.

This section doesn’t necessarily say much about the culture of Fadlan; however, it shows his career and serves as a reminder of the purpose of this trip. This section is really for the Calif to understand what occurred so that Fadlan doesn’t take the blame for the lack of funds in Bulghar. The only aspect that he details regarding the culture is their money. Which, in a previous blog post, I stated, is because this is foreign to him and to the people reading this. However, as mentioned above, this also serves as a guide for the Calid to understand the conversation of money for Bukhara because a money transfer was supposed to occur here.