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Ibn Fadlan: Medieval Travel Map Assignment

Link to the Map: https://uploads.knightlab.com/storymapjs/8a189b31caf6b10f26b6a6b4e1888875/the-travels-of-ibn-fadlan/index.html

 

Medieval and Modern Maps

Mapping Ibn Fadlan’s journey on both a modern map and Al Masudi’s World Map reveal how a medieval traveler may see their journey compared to a modern understanding of travel. The two maps showcase different views of the world through the visual and physical elements that they contain or may lack in comparison to each other. Additionally, these maps can help pinpoint areas of significance in the past, such as national identity and difficulties with medieval travels, to give insight to how they have evolved in modern times.

On the surface level, there are physical differences about the visual representations  of each map. Firstly, the modern map has north oriented up, while the medieval map has south at the top. Thus, the direction of Ibn Fadlan’s journey is reversed depending on which map is observed. Al Masudi’s map also shows a significantly smaller portion of the world compared to the modern map. The portion that is shown on the medieval map portrays the land masses disproportionately to their actual size; which, reflects Al Masudi’s knowledge of the world at the time. Additionally, there are geographical differences. In the modern map viewers are able to see different terrain including mountain ranges, deserts, rivers, and larger bodies of water, as well as elevation. There is also the added benefit of being able to zoom in on different areas to get a better understanding of particular destinations. In comparison, Al Masudi’s map only shows rough sketches of mountain ranges, seas, and the ocean. These differences highlight the difficulty of navigating travel in the Middle Ages. Other than a few landmarks, there are very few ways for a medieval traveler to be certain of where they are going by solely utilizing a map. 

Further differences between the two maps can shed light on the various ideas held about the world within both. For example, throughout history humans have become more dependent on politically defined borders to divide countries and express ownership of land. The maps portray this notion through the lack of borders on Al Masudi’s map that are present on the modern map. An idea about the world that this showcases is the dynamic nature of nations and states in the Middle Ages. Empires and states were in constant flux and were either expanding, shrinking, appearing, or disappearing. With fewer means of communication and travel, there was likely less rigidity on national ownership of land especially on the outskirts of a large empire. Paying taxes or tribute was likely the most interaction that occurred between smaller villages and the center of a large nation. The appearance of land borders on the modern map can also signal a growth in national identity over time. Even looking at the travel narratives in class, there is a sense of national identity (portrayed through a form of patriotism or bias toward one’s own country) that develops in the medieval travelers that correlates to the progression of time. Ibn Fadlan, an islamic jurist who lived during the 900s, demonstrates a stronger connection with faith in his identity rather than nationality. This correlates to his placement in time being earlier in the Middle Ages than the other travelers in the class. Additionally, most of his negative views about others come from differences in religion or lack of correct adherence to Islam rather than nationality (Ibn Fadlan). Al Masudi, similarly, was an islamic scholar from the 10th century, and his map reflects the lack of land borders and thus national identity that people may have experienced during his time (Ahmed). Ultimately, the visual differences between the medieval and the modern maps can give insight to ideas of significance for travelers in the Middle Ages.

Compared to our modern understanding of travel, medieval travelers, such as Ibn Fadlan, likely had very different views about their place in the world and the significance of their travels. Ibn Fadlan’s journey seems a lot smaller on the modern map compared to the medieval map, in part due to the limited knowledge in the Middle Ages of the Americas and the vast size of the globe. Subsequently, Ibn Fadlan seems to travel a decent chunk of the world on Al Masudi’s map reflecting Ibn Fadlan’s own ideas about his and his journey’s significance. In the distance he travels, the climate changes drastically and he experiences what he calls “the cold of hell” (Ibn Fadlan 8). The change in climate would coincide with the change in climes, getting closer to hell, and nearing the tribes of Gog and Magog which are at the ends of the Earth. That distance would seem a lot larger in the Middle Ages since the true expansive nature of the world was unknown. Additionally, as seen on Al Masudi’s World Map, Ibn Fadlan’s travel starts at the center of the world—the Middle East—which reflects the importance of the Islamic world to both these men. Ibn Fadlan’s travels end much closer to the edge of the Earth on the medieval map. All land is surrounded by water on the map, but a sense of the unknown persists. Ibn Fadlan is traveling to, what seems to be, the edge of the Earth. His own ideas about his travel likely include a fear of the unknown, an understanding of possible danger, and a sense that he traveled a proportionally larger distance than he actually did. 

Ultimately, looking at a medieval traveler’s journey on both a modern and medieval map can lead to further insights on ideas about travel during the Middle Ages compared to modern times. Ibn Fadlan’s journey drawn out on Al Masudi’s World Map is just one example of this. The map reflects Ibn Fadlan’s attitudes and experiences with travel like the abundance of uncertainty whilst traveling and the fear of the unknown. However, the modern map shows a different story due to a greater knowledge of geography, stabilized state territories, and technological advances over time. 

 

Works Cited

Ahmed, Nazeer. “Al Masudi.” History of Islam: an encyclopedia of Islamic history, https://historyofislam.com/contents/the-classical-period/al-masudi/ Accessed 20 November 2025. 

“Earth Map according to Al-Masudi.” Wikimedia Commons, 10 July 2022, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Earth_Map_according_to_Al-Masudi.svg Accessed 20 November 2025.

Ibn Fadlān. Ibn Fadlān and the Land of Darkness: Arab Travelers in the Far North. Translated by Paul Lunde, Penguin Classic, 2012.



The Itinerary of Benjamin of Tudela: The Cotton Map

The early part of Benjamin of Tudela’s journey on the modern map follows precisely along the northern coastline of the Mediterranean Sea. On the Cotton map from the eleventh century, the route jumps around quite erratically. The text is the most precise about distance and place names of any we have read for this class which makes the struggle to place the locations on a map stand out in even greater relief. The Cotton map seems at first glance to present a close approximation of the Mediterranean coastline, but when one tries to place specific locations, they realize that the proportions are entirely nonsensical and the locations of cities such as Constantinople do not relate accurately to other features even using the logic of the map. The Cotton map has enough labels that I was not guessing for where to mark the locations which made the resulting route even stranger than the coastline alone would imply.

The modern map prioritizes geographic accuracy. The proportions and coastlines are all designed to be as close to real life as possible. Every city and town is included regardless of their importance or size. This precision allowed me to map Benjamin of Tudela’s route exactly town by town with the distances and time between locations matching those listed in the text. Modern maps claim to represent objective factual depictions of the world. They strive to depict the world as it is not through symbols. My map of Benjamin’s route is still symbolic, however, because I cannot accurately match every stop he took to a modern city. The walking paths shown are in no way parallels to the medieval roads, and there is no way to know which he may have taken if they were because he offers no details as to the specifics of his journey.

The Cotton map, like other pre-modern maps, makes no attempt at accuracy. The map itself is oriented by religious principles with east at the top because of its proximity to paradise. Unlike similar Christian maps, Jerusalem is not in the middle as the perceived center of the world. The middle of the map is instead dominated by jarringly rectangular divisions of the land between the twelve tribes of Isreal. Christian theology still dominates the map. The exact locations and shapes of landmasses and cities are secondary to their theological importance. Some of the most detailed cites are Rome, Jerusalem, Alexandria, and Babylon because they are all places of importance within biblical sources. Banjamin of Tudela’s route looks bizarre when transposed onto the Cotton map because the relative location of these cities was seen as unimportant. The map was not intended to guide travel so much as it was mean to provide a snapshot of the Christian world.

The medieval travel writer’s journey was viewed in similarly symbolic terms. While the practicalities of travel were a matter of great concern, they are never the focus of the narrative. They focus on the sites and people they encountered. None of the travel narratives we have read for class were intended to be guides that people followed to recreate their journeys. The books are representations of the places that are passed through the lens of the author’s perspective. The stress of traveling only rarely appears and even then, it is glossed over on the way to the next place of note. Medieval travel writers recorded their stories to show the people they returned to an image of the world, but, like the medieval maps, they only discussed the parts they considered important, not the complete picture. Travel was something monumental that deserved acknowledgment, but it was justified by the value of the things the traveler saw rather than the act itself. Travel for its own sake was a frivolous waste of time and money, so the traveler, and especially the travel writer, had to make sure they emphasized the glory of their journey and hid they unglamorous realities that made it possible.

Neither medieval maps nor medieval travel narratives are concerned with realistic portrayals of geography. The meaning places were imbued with was far more important than their relative locations. These depictions were never intended for practical use. They were meant instead for reflection and consideration by an audience that had very little regard for the exact location of the Mediterranean islands or how much water one should carry across the Sahara Desert. Medieval travelers did not expect others to emulate them because few people actually traveled; there was simply no need for precision when the audience would never find out.

The Book of Marvels and Travels by John Mandeville: One Way to Jerusalem

Whoever wrote this book, whether it be a monk or a knight or whomever, had the kind of faith that let Moses turn rivers to blood. Which is to say really galldarn intense. We can see this on page 9 as Tim (the name we’ll use as a stand in for the monk who wrote John Mandeville) starts us off with a phrase that should trigger our “crazy wild unsubstantiated claims are about to be made” alarms, “And you must know,” (9) prime bs indicator, “that our lord was nailed lying down,” (9) here we see that his audience is Christian as he does not say my lord but rather our lord, also in this first claim about stuff that we all know he sort of does hit the nail on the head, this probably would be common knowledge. Now that he has established both our faith in Christianity and our knowledge that he has both faith and knowledge of Christianity he’s immediately going to try to cash all of that in immediately. “Moreover Greek and foreign Christians say,” (9) ‘all of the Christians are saying this so of course it is true,’ “that the wood used for the Cross which we say was cypress waa actually from thhe tree of which Adam ate the apple,” (9) oh my goodness this is a wild conspiracy theory. John, is there any other way to know this is true? Of course with this wild theory you have some evidence? “This is backed up in their writings.” (9) Wonderful, they said it and they wrote it down? Well then it has to be true.

Like with all things in Mandeville this makes sense in the frame of a story. I feel like I’m beating a dead horse but this travel narrative makes about as much sense as a puma in a nightgown. Once you understand that it isn’t a puma (travel narrative) at all but instead a hairless little sphinx cat (piece of cristofascist propaganda) then the jammies (weird and incongruous bull shit that is littered on every single fucking page of this book!!!) you start to realize that everything makes a ton of sense. The rascism is the only thing that can be explained through the lens of a travel narrative because travel narratives also have a vested interest in being rascist. Maintaining the hierarchical structure which is supported by bigotry.

Gotten slightly off track so let me root myself back in the text. Constantinople. He never went. I do find his phrasing here to be intriguing. “It is my task to make you know” (11) he goes on in classic Mandeville style to say only things that one could glean from the most coursory of glances at an account of Constantinople but this offers a good deal of insight into the motivation of the author. His task therefore is to guide people to Jerusalem. But he gives no actual tangible details that would help you get there and even when he does the details are hardly sufficient to get you there. He must’ve been writting for a mental pillgram.

The Travels of Ibn Battutah: Dihli (Delhi)

Ibn Battutah dedicates two full chapters to the city of Delhi and the Sultan Muhammad Ibn Tughluq. As usual, he describes the pious men he meets there, as well as some of the unique architecture he sees, such as the wall surrounding the city, the Cathedral Mosque, and several great reservoirs of water that crops can be planted around. But the majority of his writing revolves around the Sultan and his two main hobbies: giving gifts and ordering executions. Ibn Battutah spends several sections displaying the wealth and power this king possesses, from the elaborate arrangement of his court during an audience to the elephants adorned with precious stones that he rides upon. He is very generous, and Ibn Battutah dedicates multiple sections to detailing the many fine gifts he has made to other men of note. He also once distributed stored food during a famine to provide for his people, and allowed a young boy to beat him as justice for a wrong he had committed against the boy, so he overall just seems like a pretty great and charitable guy. 

 

And then we hard pivot into his “murders and reprehensible actions” (176).

 

The sultan is, at least, an equal opportunity aggressor, and will punish people regardless of their status or the severity of their crime. It’s at this point that Ibn Battuah seems to balk a little at the sultan’s violence, seeing the bloody bodies left outside the gates and praying “may God deliver us from misfortune!” (176). He is very strict about religion being properly observed, and will kill people to punish them if they do not pray. Ibn Battutah, who went on this journey to uphold religious law in the first place, does not express an opinion either positive or negative on this choice. He does, however, seem reasonably fearful in the sections recounting the executions of multiple jurists, probably worried that he will end up next on that list. And indeed, towards the end of his stay there comes a point in which that seems to be a distinct possibility. The Sultan commands Ibn Battutah to stay in the capital, and sends slaves to follow him everywhere. Fearing for his life, Ibn Battutah spends nine days fasting and reciting the quran, at the end of which the Sultan decides to spare him. He is then given permission to travel as the Sultan’s ambassador, at which point Ibn Battutah decides not to test his luck and leaves as quickly as possible in case he changes his mind. 

 

Throughout these chapters, Ibn Battutah is, once again, concerned with slaves. Not in the sense that he is concerned with the institution of slavery and how slaves are treated, but in that he is very concerned about making sure his readers know just how easy it is to get slaves on account of how cheap they are here, even the educated ones. When he gives an account of an incident he had with one of his slaves, wherein a slave boy ran away from him and was found in the possession of another man whom he would eventually kill, Ibn Battutah calls this incident “a miracle,” after which he “withdraw[s] from the world and giv[es] all that I possessed to the poor and needy” (165). He shows no concern for the man who was killed, or gives any acknowledgement that a life in slavery might have led the boy to such violence in an attempt to gain his freedom. His only concern is that he was not the one owning the slave when he decided to kill his master, and so fortunately kept his life. He also gives the account of the death of his infant daughter, the child of one of his slave girls, and the funeral ceremonies the Sultan has performed for her. The sultan gives the mother of the child many fine gifts, but rather than allowing this grieving mother to retain the things that were given to her, Ibn Battutah casually redistributes it all to his companions, because she is his slave girl and he is free to do whatever he likes with her. 

The Itinerary of Benjamin of Tudela: Baghdad

 

From Okbara, Benjamin arrives in Baghdad. He focuses primarily on two people in this section: the Caliph and the Head of the Captivity of Israel. Religion is the main subject here. He first introduces Caliph Emir al Muminin al Abbasi of the family of Mohammed. Baghdad in the 12th century was the capital of the Abbasid Caliphate, an empire which at its height controlled the entirety of the Arabian Peninsula and large swathes of the Middle East and North Africa. Benjamin compares his role in Islam like that of the Pope over the Christians, the most important figure in the religion, revered by all Muslims of the empire.

Benjamin of Tudela seems to admire Caliph al Abbasi greatly. He cites his benevolent attitude towards the Jews; he is “kind unto Israel” and has many Jewish attendants. He is well-versed in Jewish law and in Hebrew. Benjamin asserts that al Abbasi is truthful and trustworthy, speaking peace to all men. He calls him a righteous man, whose actions are all for good. He describes at length al Abbasi’s acts of charity. He built a hospital for the sick poor, where every man is treated at his own expense. In addition, there is a sort of mental hospital, where the Caliph provides for them also, even giving them money at their discharge. Strangely, the Caliph’s siblings and family are all imprisoned in their homes inside the palace, to prevent them from rising against him. However, Benjamin assures us that they reside in “great splendour” and are all living lives of great luxury. Perhaps this was a normal enough precaution for kings to take in Benjamin’s time that it did not seem unreasonable to him, or perhaps he admired the Caliph’s actions or patronage of the Jews enough that it did not matter to him. It is interesting that Benjamin of Tudela respects the leader of a different religion so greatly. Throughout the text it’s clear that being Jewish is the surest way for Benjamin to be assured of a person’s goodness, but obviously it is not the only way. He appreciates other signs of good character, like charitableness, peacefulness, modesty, intelligence, and an egalitarian approach to other religions, all traits which he believes al Abbasid possesses.

In Baghdad, there are 40,000 Jews, a very large population, as they live in security and prosperity under Abbasid rule. There are ten Academies in the city, and many great Jewish academics and sages. There is an office of the “Head of the Captivity of Israel”, who has authority over all the Jewish congregations and is appointed by the Caliph. Benjamin writes that this Head of the Captivity is honored by both Gentiles and Jews. He has authority over a large region, within which he gives communities the power to appoint Rabbis and Ministers who receive his authority, and from which he receives tribute. He owns land and receives revenue from Jewish markets and merchants. This position is also known as Exilarch, the hereditary head of the Jewish community, recognized by the ruler, and was present in the region for hundreds of years up until the fall of the Abbasid Caliphate. The safety of the Jews and the Caliph’s appreciation of them clearly assured their stability, as Benjamin says the Jews of Baghdad are well-educated and rich. There are nearly thirty synagogues in the city, crowned by the great synagogue of the Head of the Captivity. He says the city is a full twenty miles in circumference, with gardens and plantations, and prosperous trade, philosophers, and magicians. Overall, he speaks very highly of Baghdad and finds one of the most prosperous Jewish communities there.

The Itinerary of Benjamin of Tudela: Constantinople

Five days’ journey from Abydos is Constantinople, the seat of the Greek empire. Benjamin of Tudela briefly describes the structure of the government under King Emanuel, with his twelve ministers. As is typical for this account, Benjamin does not describe the practical or physical aspects of his journey—there is no indication of where he stayed, or for how long, or how he traveled to and from the city. He does describe the terrain surrounding the city and how it is situated on a peninsula, surrounded on one side by an arm of the Sea of Russia and the other side the Sea of Sepharad. It is eighteen miles in circumference, one of the larger cities he has visited.

He spends a large part of this excerpt talking about the merchant activity, wealth, and material possessions of Constantinople and the Greeks. We know very little about Benjamin of Tudela outside of his Itinerary, but a common theory is that he was a merchant of some kind. This passage certainly supports this conclusion, since he seems especially interested in trade and goods out of everything he saw in Constantinople. In fact, the majority of his writings on this city are devoted to those subjects. He says that Constantinople enjoys lots of merchant activity from all over: Egypt, Persia, Hungary, Russia, Babylon, and more. In terms of the architecture, he describes churches and palaces with pillars of gold and silver, inlaid with precious stones. He says that the King’s palace, Blachernae, was made of so many precious metals and jewels that it shone by moonlight. He is also concerned with the tributes received from all over the kingdom, the total of which he is told amounts to 20,000 gold pieces every year. These include silks and fabrics of purple and gold, the most precious and expensive colors. The inhabitants themselves are rich in gold and jewels and wear silks and embroidery. They ride horses and eat bread, meat, and wine. He says they “look like princes,” and calls it the richest land in the world.

In contrast are the Jews of Constantinople, who are relegated to a ghetto outside the city, behind and inlet, so that they must travel by sea to get in or out. He says that they are permitted to do business in the city, and that there are silkmakers and rich merchants among them, but overall their condition is poor. There are 2,000 Rabbanite and 500 Karaite Jews, divided by a fence. Benjamin sees that the Greeks hate the Jews, defiling their homes and beating them in the streets. These are some of the worst conditions of the Jewish population seen in his travels. Yet, he says, the Jews are good, kind, charitable, and cheerful despite their oppression. Wherever the place, Benjamin of Tudela speaks highly of Jews, even in unfamiliar lands or of different ethnicities, when he otherwise dislikes or distrusts the native populations. There was great allegiance among the Jewish diaspora of Benjamin’s time, and a great desire for communication between scattered groups of Jews, as noted in part II of the introduction: “In the sacred tongue they possessed a common language, and wherever they went they could rely upon a hospitable reception from their co-religionists. Travelling was, therefore, to them comparatively easy, and the bond of common interest always supplied a motive.” Interestingly, he writes that despite the widespread hatred of Jews the King’s physician, R. Solomon Hamitsri, is a Jew who lives in the ghetto, and through him the rest of the Jews enjoy some alleviation of their condition. In this time period the status of Jews was often extremely precarious, changing from one ruler to the next even within a single dynasty, region, or city. In these climates, individuals like R. Solomon could potentially bring their community up with them to a certain degree.

Two of the most common hypotheses for Benjamin’s reasons for traveling are present in this excerpt: first, the merchant theory, as mentioned previously, based on his great interest in trade, wealth, and goods in and out of Constantinople. Second, his interest in the conditions of Jews in each place he traveled, potentially writing a guide for his community on the safest places to live and move around.

The Itinerary of Benjamin of Tudela: Cairo

Benjamin of Tudela’s description of Cairo (Mizraim) is dominated by discussion of the Nile river. The importance the river has to all aspects of life in the city and its surrounding regions cannot be overstated. It is both a form of protection, eliminating the need for a city wall, and the center of their food production (99). He describes the rising and falling pattern of the river in great detail. The rising of the river is both an important cultural and agricultural event. He draws great attention to the pillar that measures the height of the flooding as a cultural oddity that only exists due to the unusual seasonal changes of the region. He also discusses the ways in which the river’s flooding affects how agriculture is practiced. Bountiful fish end up in farmlands and water covers the earth for two months (100). This pattern is the only thing that allows for any farming in the otherwise arid climate and if it ever fails to occur great famine spreads through the land. Benjamin’s focus on farming in this section differs from his previous descriptions because, while he occasionally had comments about the market goods in other areas, he paid little attention to the process of getting them to the cities. This may be because it was simply standard practice while the Nile creates notable differences, but it could also be a sign that he was only relating other people’s stories rather than his own. He also spends far less time discussing the topics that he usually focuses on like the built environment.
He does acknowledge the similarly unusual structure of the Jewish community in Cairo, another of his standard factors of note. They are divided into two different congregations, those who follow Babylonian customs and those who follow Israeli customs. Specifically, he notes the difference in how they divide the portions of the Torah with Babylonians doing one portion a week and Israelis doing one third of a portion each week (98). He also makes sure to state that the Babylonian method is the same as how the Jews back in his home country of Spain divide the portions. This offers his audience of Jews who may be looking to move to areas of less persecution an insight into which foreign communities are most similar to their own. Benjamin has been, perhaps surprisingly, sparse in his description of the actual religious practices of the Jewish communities he has been documenting because, despite all following the same religion, there were great differences in practicalities region to region. A Jew from Spain may find the observances of a Jew from Baghdad completely alien despite originating from the same text and following the same basic principles. While other elements that would be important to a potential immigrant such as the size of the Jewish community and their status within society are addressed, how easy it would be for a newcomer to fit in is left ambiguous. However, Cairo shows that despite the division of the Jewish community they can still come together for special occasions to practice as a single great unit.

Chapter 11: Permission to Travel to Jerusalem

Up to this point, Kempe’s travels have been described in detail as a religious pilgrimage, during which she struggled greatly with others’ perceptions of her devoutness. Her companions were not the only obstacle during her travels, though. In Chapter 11 of her book, Margery describes the struggles and arguments she and her husband had before Kempe was permitted to begin her journey. Kempe and her husband start the chapter by discussing undertaking a vow of chastity. Kempe’s husband is hesitant to do so, as they are married and should not have to be chaste in matrimony. Kempe, on the other hand, insists that, for religious reasons, she yearns to be chaste once again; Kempe even states that she would rather see her husband killed than have intercourse again.

When they reach an impasse, Kempe goes to pray and converse with God. Throughout her travels and in this chapter, it is evident that Kempe uses prayer as a type of clarifying, meditative process to come up with solutions and the courage to face challenges. Here, God encourages Kempe to compromise with her husband on this matter, as he wants multiple things from Kempe. They eventually compromise, and Kempe is allowed to travel to the Holy Land and undergo the vow of chastity, as long as she eats meat on Fridays with her husband and pays off his debts on her journey to Jerusalem.

Chapter 11 ends with Kempe and her husband rejoicing at their compromise, and the two pray and celebrate together. They discuss how they ended up traveling together to many places, including Bridlington, and recount the many people they met along the way: “God’s servants, both anchorites and recluses, and many others of Our Lord’s lovers, with many worthy clerks, doctors of divinity and bachelors also, in divers places (Kempe 50).” The final line of the chapter states that throughout her journeys, Kempe acted as she always had: passionate in her devoutness, often weeping or making strict decisions because of her religious beliefs.

This chapter is important to better understand what we already know of Kempe’s travels. Up to this point, Kempe had mostly struggled with her companions’ thoughts of her. These companions were generally strangers to Kempe, and yet she saw similar issues with her husband who knew her very well. Her devout religiousness even caused a rift between her and her husband, who is also evidently religious based on their ability to pray and rejoice together.

It follows, then, that she would be set in her religious actions if she has had to deal with them for much of her adult life, even with people who know her and love her well. She is strong and courageous because of the discrimination and negativity she has faced, and through these past struggles, her ability to be so strong-willed with her companions along her pilgrimage becomes more understandable. Kempe’s ability to turn to God for courage and to lean on the very thing that causes her such strife as a source of positivity and strength is Kempe’s greatest quality.

The Travels of Marco Polo: India

Cameron DeVries

Blog Post #5

The Travels of Marco Polo: India

November 13, 2025

For my final blog post, I am looking at Marco Polo’s time in India, which makes up one of the final chapters of the book and is one of the larger sections dedicated to one place. Marco Polo’s descriptions of India are far more in depth in comparison to some other sections like the islands between China and India in the last section, both due to the larger amount of time Marco Polo spends in India, and India’s established place in the world of “civilization” and economy.

Here, he jumps right into the marvels and wonders of India and what he encounters there. One of the first things he mentions is the dress of the people in the kingdom of Maabar, which does not leave much to the imagination. He notes how everyone walks around stark naked except sometimes for a simple loincloth type covering, and even the king goes mostly naked. He maintains his matter of factness about this, which is interesting considering how he would have seen the same thing in the previous section and called the people savages. This is similar to when he mentions the Brahmans, or the guys that use enchantments and incantations to protect the pearl divers from dangerous sea creatures. Marco Polo has been wary of magic in other sections, but kind of just mentions the Brahmans in a matter of fact way here. Later in the chapter he even talks about how the Brahmans may be cleaner and live longer than any others because of their lifestyle, and how they have great connection to birds and beasts.

Another immediate point of interest here are the great signs of wealth, which I can connect to the points I have already mentioned. The king, who is mostly naked like his people, is differentiated by the absurd amount of gems and jewels he wears on himself as a sign of his great wealth. Marco Polo also talks about the natural wealth through pearls, which are collected from oysters by the pearl divers along the shore, who are protected by the aforementioned Brahmans. All across India, he marvels at the gems and shows of wealth he sees, as well as spices such as pepper and ginger, which he sees an abundance of. This makes sense as India would have been a central location for trade and the flow of luxury goods during this time. Like many of the other places he visits, he also makes note of the interesting wildlife, such as exotic birds, big cats, monkeys, and elephants that are used for warfare.  He also talks about cows, and how they do not eat them here.

This goes into the religion, and how Marco Polo still holds strong to his Christian faith and does not believe those who worship other religions are exactly on the right track. He sees how the Hindus do not eat cows, and sees the different deities they worship, and once again just labels everyone as idolators. Still, even when seeming confused by the temples and religious customs such as those of the Yogis and their nakedness, he is not super harsh or judgmental here and seems like a curious observer, reporting back to the Khan and recording all he finds. Some other customs he encountered was he culture of loyalty, where when a husband died their wives would burn themselves alive alongside him. The king was also allowed to choose anyone to be his wife with no argument, and he even married the wife of his brother.

As per usual, he does not talk much about his own living situation, but mentions how hot it was in India, and how the climate could be harsh. He also warns against certain places where traveling upstream would lead to pirates that were known for taking all your goods. This is a large chapter, and there is a lot to cover here, but he generally keeps his same attitude of curiosity and level headedness, while also maintaining his position as a Christian. At the end of the day, he is also an important merchant, so while the customs may confuse him, something he understands very well is how to report back for the purpose of trade. He always lists the spices, animal products, gems, and other goods that may be valuable and where they can be found, as well as potential dangers to traders such as pirates.

The Travels of Sir John Mandeville: India

John Mandeville begins his account of India by detailing the ‘natural’ tendencies of those living in the region. To frame his description, Mandeville mentions the Indus River that travels through the area, giving the country of India its name. Mandeville then notes the presence of thirty-foot eels in the Indus River, before describing the people of India as ugly with a yellow-green complexion. By listing the eels ahead of the civilians, Mandeville frames Indian people and their customs as inherently animalistic. He talks about conventions of nudity in India, explaining how the heat influences men to walk around nude, thus weakening their bodies. Mandeville asserts that the need to cool oneself from the heat dictates daily life. He draws a parallel to what he claims to have observed in Ethiopia, telling his reader that men and women often lie naked in the river, and that women are unashamed to do this around men. Once again, Mandeville marks this practice as ugly because he himself is made uncomfortable by it.

Mandeville tethers their daily practices to India’s climate, remarking they live beneath Saturn, which is inherently slow-moving. Mandeville believes that because of this, people are not inclined to leave India. He compares their leisure, or laziness, to the unquenchable desire for people from his country to travel. Mandeville attributes this to England being ruled by the moon, which moves quickly, thus breeding people to live productive, worldly lives. This construction of us vs. them, between himself and the people of India, indicates Mandeville’s racism. Since Mandeville’s account is fictional, his descriptions are rooted in his own bias about a place he has never been and people he has never met.

Mandeville spends a great deal of time talking about the distinction between simulacrums and idols, labelling one as natural and the other as unnatural. To Mandeville, worshipping simulacrums is equivalent to worshipping a hero. He references Hercules and Achilles as apt examples, noting they are beloved by God on account of their marvelous deeds. On the other hand, worshipping idols includes praying to animals that signal a good omen, such as an ox or a snake. Mandeville notes that people build small idols to worship in their homes as an extension of this practice.

As Mandeville, theoretically, journeys throughout the isles surrounding India, he refers to the cities of Baroch, Bandinanah, and Cranganur as fine and good cities on account of their strong Christian populations. He argues the land’s fertility is directly connected to the presence of Christians, mirroring prior accounts of his travels, where a strong government was tied to a Christian leader. Mandeville lists the various fruits, spices, and peppers native to this region, providing flowery descriptions of each category. This embellishment is an attempt to establish his own legitimacy before referencing his greatest marvel yet: the fountain of youth. Mandeville claims that he himself drank from the fountain three times on an empty stomach and was made forever healthy. Mandeville’s mention of the fountain of youth in India aligns with Medieval conventions that the East is closer to Paradise. Mandeville’s description of India signals that the region’s breadth of natural resources is on account of its proximity to Paradise, incentivizing his reader to travel east.

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