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The Travels of Marco Polo: Japan

Marco Polo describes Japan as a large island far out at sea, about 1,500 miles away from the mainland. He describes the inhabitants as “…fair-complexioned, good-looking, and well-mannered” (Polo 244). However, he does call them idolaters, meaning he views their religion as strange or wrong. Interestingly, he notes that they are independent and “…exercising no authority over any nation but themselves,” which is different from the places Polo has previously described (Polo 244). He makes Japan seem like a distant and isolated place that’s completely separated from everywhere else.

Polo says that Japan has gold in great abundance, in quantities so great they can’t be measured. He says that they don’t export it from the island because no traders go there, which is how they possess so much of it. They possess so much that one ruler’s palace is made out of gold. The island also has pearls, which are just as valuable as the white ones and also have a spiritual significance, like the pearls in Maabar. This is shown through their custom of placing pearls in the mouths of the dead when they are buried. By describing Japan’s gold and pearls, Polo shows how much wealth and trade matter to him and have been important throughout his travels. It’s something he values and continues to share with his audience.

Polo says the people’s idols here are similar to those in Cathay and Manzi. Then, his tone noticeably shifts, and he begins to describe the idols in an exaggerated and judgmental way. He says they have animal heads, multiple heads, or multiple hands and that the works of the idols are “…so manifold and of such devilish contrivance….” He claims he can’t write about them in his book because it’s too horrible to expose to his Christian audience (Polo 247). While Polo is often judgmental of religions outside of Christianity, here he seems particularly hostile to the ideologies of these people. He also again contrasts between admiring the physical region, trade, or people of a place, and condemning their beliefs and practices.

Polo ends his account by writing that the people of Japan “…kill their captive and make a meal of him with their kinsfolk….and this human flesh they consider the choicest of all foods” (Polo 248). This detail exposes how little Polo actually knows about Japan and how the stereotypes of the East were spread in medieval Europe. By describing them as cannibals he creates fear and pushes stereotypes to his European audience, so the East is seen as distant, savage, and strange, and Christianity is framed as the most moral religion. Polo finishes writing, “…I will tell you no more of this country or of these islands, because they are so out-of-the-way and because we have never been there” (Polo 249). It’s extremely interesting that Polo admits he never visited Japan, despite describing it in vivid detail. This confession perfectly places Japan as the furthest point on his journey, so far away that it seems more like an exotic idea than a reality.

The Book of Marvels and Travels by John Mandeville: Prester John

Unshockingly, the idea that a man named John, a very classic English name, who is Christian, a very classic English tradition, is the emperor of India, is inherently racist and carries with it the idea that India should be ruled by an Englishman. The idea also that his land is populated with Christians is one borne of the fear of the encroachment of Muslim forces into Christian lands, a fear at least in part motivated by racism. Mandeville describes the land as hard to reach and even talks about the merchants which is a common feature of the travel narrative but not one that is usual within the writing of John Mandeville, as he’s merely a fiction drawn up by the hand of a monk; this is unusual, but can be explained away by acknowledging that Mandeville barely writes about the merchants and only uses their absence to show the richness of his land. While his land is described as not rich, this most likely refers to trade rather than physical mineral deposits. We can see this supported on the end of page one hundred and eight and going onto page one hundred and nine, as Mandeville writes, “they also carry in front of him another vessel, full of gold and jewels, gems like rubies, diamonds, sapphires, emeralds, topaz, irachite, chrysolities, and various other gems, signifying his lordship and his power.” (108-109) The emphasis on the relation of material wealth to his lordship may seem to be a strange one for a Christian knight to espouse. At the time, the Christian beliefs were much more embroiled in the divine right of kings, the idea that if one is rich and noble, then they must have necessarily been ordained by God. His power both comes from God and is then used in his name. The banners of Prester John are crosses, which are representative both of his dedication to religion and of his God’s power. His defense of the standards is fierce and “he has innumerable men when he goes into battle against other rulers.” (108) As I struggle to find the ways that Mandeville is moving through or interacting with this land, I am hard pressed to find any examples. In only one paragraph of this chapter does Mandeville talk about how he is moving through the lands of Prester John, “I was once travelling on that sea and I saw something like a kind of long island with many trees and branches and tree-trunks growing from it. The sailors told me that it was all the big ships that the adamantine had caused to be left there, and all the things that spilt from these ships.” (107) Mandeville has just made up some mineral that is so magnetic and powerful that it would rip iron from the ships, which were at the time being fashioned with enough iron that if they were to pass through the sea of the lands of Prester John. This travel is entirely a rhetorical device to instill a religious fervor within the people of England in order that they may have the fire to sustain a war in the Middle East.

Sincerely,

Gev, the Scaled Scorch

The Travels of Marco Polo: Maabar

Marco Polo sailed westward for about sixty miles from Ceylon and arrives in Maabar, or Greater India. He calls Maabar “…the best part of India,” describing it as the “richest and most splendid province in the world” (Polo 260). Polo’s account focuses on the region’s foreign customs, trading practices, climate, religion, and extraordinary wealth, which is especially interesting to Polo, probably because of his background as a merchant.

Polo focuses particular attention to the precious pearls and gems that are found in Maabar in the sea between the island and the mainland. They are the foundation of the regions good fortune. Merchants form partnerships with each other during the spring months to dive and fish for these pearls that are not only monetarily valuable but are also a symbol of social status and religious commitment. The king himself wears “…so many gems and pearls that their price exceeds that of a fine city” (Polo 262). His necklace of 104 pearls represents the 104 prayers he recites to his idols every morning and night. Polo seems impressed by this commerce and representation of status and often admires the king. Besides for his gems and pearls, the king, and everyone else in Maabar, is stark naked all year round. Polo credits this to the extremely hot and humid climate. The only time the region gets rain is during the summer months, and without that rain the heat would be unbearable. Yet Polo is very clear through his writing that he finds this strange. The idea of nakedness is so unnatural to him and disrupts his own cultural expectations. During his recount, he frequently shifts between admirations for the culture, and disapproval to things he finds unnatural.

The pearls are the driving force behind the large trading scene in Maabar, and it interests Polo. The king issues a proclamation several times a year, that encourages merchants to bring him their finest pearls and gems, which he then buys at twice their value. Polo admires the trade and customs here, but he is also fascinated by the omens and “superstitions” that surround trade, like the unlucky hour of choiach where merchants refuse to bargain or buy. Or judging whether a bargain is good or bad based off of where a tarantula cries. Polo doesn’t explicitly judge or mock these customs, but his tone suggest that he likely recorded them to be marveled by his European audience and to emphasize how far he’s traveled from home.

Beyond trading customs, Polo admires the strict justice system of the province, noting his pleasant surprise that merchants and nobles can sleep on the highway during their merchant travels without being scared of theft saying, “It is a proof of the excellent justice kept by the king…” (Polo 271). But Polo is disturbed, by the region’s marriage and death customs, specifically self-immolation, which is the practice of a widow burning herself to death alongside her husband during his funeral. He says, “And I assure you that there are many who do as I have told you” (Polo 265). He feels like he has to emphasize himself to prove that these customs really do occur, because to him it seems so unbelievable.

Polo’s account not only describes the interesting culture of Maabar but also reveals information about his own cultural norms. He portrays the region and India as an unbelievable place that is so different from his own to his European audience.

The Travels of Marco Polo: Lesser Java

Cameron DeVries

Blog Post #4

The Travels of Marco Polo: Lesser Java

November 6, 2025

 

In the section entitled “From China to India”, I chose to look at Marco Polo’s descriptions of the island he calls “Lesser Java”, as this is one of the longer descriptions of this section and the place during this leg of the journey in which he runs into the most people and provides interesting descriptions. This area is part of Indonesia, and was part of his long journey by ship throughout the islands of Eastern and Southern Asia on the way to India. One thing to note first is that this is one of the few places in the narratives where Marco Polo gives a brief description of his own living conditions and interaction with the place he is staying in. When talking about Sumatra, one of the various kingdoms he encounters across the island, he says that he spent 5 months there due to weather. His descriptions showed some amount of struggle but also the ways that he and his people adapted to living in this uncharted territory. He says, “we dug a big trench round our encampment” and recalls using the timber from the area and supplies from trading with the native islanders to create wooden towers and fortifications that they lived in.

The reason for digging these trenches and building fortifications ties back to his writings on the people of Lesser Java, which is one of the aspects of this journey that he writes very harshly about in this section. This is a large island, and Marco Polo refers to eight different kingdoms, each with individual rulers and languages, and how all of them are idolaters (besides the people of Ferlec, having been converted to Islam). It is with these people that Marco Polo dives into his judgmental and denigrating comments – he claims they “live like beasts”, eat “every other sort of flesh, clean or unclean”, and “whatever they see first when they wake in the morning, that they worship.” To me, this section is interesting due to how matter of fact Marco Polo had remained before (for the most part) during his travels throughout Europe and the more mapped out parts of Asia. Here, he attacks dress, hygiene, diet, religion, appearance, and seemingly anything else he can think of. In the kingdom of Sumatra, he refers to the natives as “nasty and brutish folk who kill men for food.” This all goes hand in hand with the general attitude of this entire China to India chapter, where he ranges from the trite “savage” comments, to describing these islanders as looking like dogs and all sorts of other things.

Something that remains in line with Marco Polo’s attitude and position as a merchant is his view of the natural resources and “treasures” of the region he is passing through. Some comments he makes on this front detail how “the island abounds in treasure and in costly products”, including descriptions of how delicious wine is made in tree stumps, how the fish and camphor are the best in the world, and how all kinds of precious woods, spices, fruits and plants can be found in Lesser Java. Kind of going hand in hand with this is description of the wonders of wildlife he encounters, such as elephants, monkeys, and rhinos, which he calls unicorns.

It is interesting to see Marco Polo’s mercantile nature and outlook on exotic goods continue to come out here, but also now to see how his views on wealth are tied into the people nearby and the ways in which they use it. He approves of nature’s wealth here, but seeing as this part of the world may have been considered off the beaten track or apart from what was considered “major civilization” during this time, he doesn’t document a lot of large empires, structures, or shows of wealth in this region, which was something that impressed him throughout China. He seems curious and sees potential for trade, but still lets slip his Eurocentric and Christian nature, and his judgment comes out when presented with these more drastically different ways of life across Indonesia.

The Travels of Sir John Mandeville: Egypt

John Mandeville begins his account of Egypt by taking a page from Caesar’s book. But rather than saying, “Gallia est omnes divisa in partes tres,” Mandeville asserts, “Egypt is divided into two parts.” By marking these distinct regions, Mandeville associates them with specific ethnographic details, leaving behind his previous custom of merely listing place after place.

Most of Mandeville’s geographical knowledge of Egypt is based on the Nile River. Mandeville describes that Egypt is home to both fertile and barren lands based on proximity to the river. He expresses his own concerns about the region’s climate, noting that though Egypt is a desert, the land is inundated by the river several times a year. By his description, it is apparent that such a contrast of desert and flooding, in the same country, is unfamiliar to Mandeville.

On the same note of the unfamiliar, Egypt is the first instance in which Mandeville explicitly recounts meeting people with dark skin: the Nubians. He details them as being black in color while also being Christian, and that they believe a darker complexion to signify beauty. Mandeville believes that the Nubians’ skin color is directly tethered to the heat of the region in which they live. Mandeville says that if the Nubians could, they would paint an angel in black and a devil in white. Additionally, Mandeville states that if people are not dark enough when they are born that they are essentially doctored to become darker. The choice to include a racial description of the Nubians within Mandeville’s fictionalized journey reflects the author’s intention to highlight ‘the other.’ Although there is no indication that the Nubians are practicing Christianity incorrectly, by describing their cultural values in opposition to Mandeville’s, their status as Christians is negated.

Similar to other places he travels, Mandeville incorporates local myth within his account of Egypt. He highlights the city of Heliopolis, ‘the city of the sun.’ He tells his reader that Heliopolis is home to a round temple–similar to the Temple at Jerusalem–with a sacred book harboring the details of the Phoenix. Mandeville details the role of the priest in the arrival of the Phoenix and the preparation of the temple’s altar with various spices and twigs. The intention of the ceremony is for the Phoenix to burn itself upon the altar, before recuperating and flying back to its home on the third day. Mandeville acknowledges the similarity between the Phoenix and Jesus Christ, being that there is only one of each, and both rise from the dead on the third day.

Although this myth is not categorically Christian, it is included to echo Christian ideology while drawing on pagan customs. Mandeville goes on to describe the Phoenix as bird-like, remarking that if a man sees it fly overhead that he will have good fortune. This idea draws upon earlier, Greek conventions of eagles flying over one’s shoulder to signify a good omen.

Mandeville’s account of Egypt reflects both the author’s bias and ability to connect unexpected locations to the text’s Christian purpose.

The Travels of Margery Kempe – Chapter 27

In Chapter 27, Margery Kempe continues her travels in Constance. As with her descriptions of most places, Kempe doesn’t discuss much about the landscape or journey there. The specifics of her travel and what she did to get to each place are far less important to her than the religious and oppressive actions of her companions.

In Constance, Kempe describes further harassment for her religiously influenced lifestyle decisions. Her companions are described as constantly attempting to get Kempe to alter her diet, insisting that she eat meat even though she refuses in the name of the Christian God. Kempe also describes meeting a well-respected member of the clergy. The legate became a trusted outsider to Kempe, who asked him to watch how her companions treated her to see who was truly in the wrong.

When Kempe’s companions complain about her annoying religious habits, the legate takes Kempe’s side, only furthering the divide between Kempe and her companions. This squabble results in Kempe’s companions discarding her, telling the legate to take over in caring for her.

Then, Kempe found a man named William Wever to guide her on her travels. When describing her travels from Constance to Bologna, the most information Kempe writes is, “Then they went on day by day and met many excellent people. And they didn’t say a bad word to this creature, but gave her and her man food and drink, and the good wives at the lodgings where they put up laid her in their own beds for God’s love in many places where they went. And our lord visited her with great grace of spiritual comfort as she went on her way (Kempe 101).” Through her writing, it is evident that Kempe cares not about the minutiae of traveling, but only describes how she gets the necessities. The things she describes in detail are mostly about the moral and ethical code of the people she meets along the way, and she rarely gets specific unless she is deeply personally slighted.

Kempe’s relationship with God is one of the major recurring themes throughout her travel narrative, and, especially in times of great need and uncertainty, Kempe writes about having an unusually personal relationship with God. In her conversations with Him, He is often reassuring her that everything will work out and gives her insight into future events, including predicting William Wever’s entrance into Kempe’s journey.

By the end of the Chapter, Kempe sees her old companions once again in Bologna. When she notes that they have not changed their stance on how they believe Kempe should behave, she refused to eat with them for over a month. Kempe’s relationship with God supersedes any earthly relationship she builds, especially if those relationships deny Kempe’s religious fervor as sane. She cares less about what others think of her, and maintains a one-track mind to reaching the Holy Land. It is for God that she began this journey, and it is through God that Kempe overcomes struggle and hardship and keeps her courage to continue and eventually complete her journey.

The Itinerary of Benjamin of Tudela: Damascus

In this excerpt, Benjamin of Tudela enters Damascus and spends two pages describing it. He takes on a tone of admiration throughout most of the section, writing appreciatively about the city overall. He says that they trade “with all countries,” indicating wealth and cosmopolitanism. They seem to have rich architecture and large marketplaces. There is abundant water from the two rivers which flow into the city, and infrastructure that brings the water to houses and gardens. He describes building features of glass, gold, and silver. Particularly impressive to him are the Gami mosque and the palace. In the mosque there is a wall of crystal glass “of magic workmanship,” with an integrated sundial. It seems that he has not seen anything like this before either at home or in his travels so far. His journey took place during the Islamic Golden Age, during which such technological and artistic innovations flourished, and we experience it through Benjamin of Tudela’s outsider’s perspective.

It can already be assumed that Benjamin of Tudela, as a product of his upbringing in recently Muslim-controlled Navarre, would have been quite familiar with Islam and its cultural influences. It shows up in this excerpt; it does not seem as though the people or practices as particularly foreign to him, nor does he pass judgment on the people and practices as he does in other sections (such as the children of Ammon). For example, he admires their mosque, saying that there is no building like it in the whole world, and does not state any further opinions. In this passage, like in several of our other readings, there is a mention of the ancient giants which once ruled the world. A rib of one of these giants is said to be housed in the palace. He is told that this rib belonged to the King Anak, or so it said on his grave. It’s interesting that the biblical mythology of the giants was so prevalent across the Abrahamic religions in the medieval era, brought up frequently throughout the writings of all the travelers. It’s not something that’s brought up often in modern life.

As usual, Benjamin completes the passage by cataloguing the Jewish population in Damascus, noting population, particular important individuals, and relationship with others in the city. He does not explicitly discuss the state of Jewish rights in Damascus, but since three thousand Jews lived in the city at the time it was probably accepting to his people to a fairly high degree, and perhaps they enjoyed some privileges. Many Palestinian Jews came to Damascus escaping the crusaders, bolstering the Jewish population in the city before Benjamin of Tudela’s arrival. Damascus was under Seljuk rule at the time: he writes that the city is the beginning of the empire of Nur-ed-din, the king of the Turks. The place of Jews under Turkish rule often changed from king to king. It’s unclear based on this text alone exactly where Nur-ed-din stood. There are  several notable Jewish scholars in Damascus that he names, all of which work in some fashion for the Academy of the Land of Israel, including the head of the Academy. There are also 400 Cuthim (Samaritans) and a hundred Karaites, which are an alternative sect of Judaism. According to him, their relationship is peaceful, but they don’t intermarry. He doesn’t specify if this peaceful relationship extends between them and the rest of the Jews of Damascus, but he doesn’t mention any conflict either. As I’ve touched on in other posts, Benjamin of Tudela could have been writing a sort of guide for other Jews across the diaspora. The introduction to the Project Gutenberg edition speculates that wide-scale upheaval in Jewish communities during the era of the Crusades and of Christian encroachment into Spain may have motivated Benjamin to find places suited for asylum if needed and convey the information back to the Jews of Navarre. This seems like a reasonable extrapolation.

The Travels of Ibn Battutah: India

When he reached India, Ibn Battutah was very concerned with the people he met there. His focus in this regard was not due to intrigue like in other locations he described, usually taking more notice to the locals if they showed impressive faith or Islamic values. In India however, his perspective was far more critical, partly because of the more foreign elements of the culture confusing him but usually passing judgment on these customs and practices. An example of this was the manner in which funerals are held in this country, as Ibn Battutah describes the act of cremation in horrific and demeaning detail. He pauses during his describing of the events to proclaims “the place looked like a spot in hell – God preserve us from it!”, clearly disgusted by how much this act goes against his beliefs (159). In the city of Delhi, he serves the sultan there for several years, though not willingly. The chapter on Delhi and its government ends with a series of anecdotes on brutal executions ordered by the sultan there, each being explained as unjust in some capacity. It should not be a surprise that some of these stories involve men of similar social standing and profession as Ibn Battutah himself, with one section even titled as “His killing of two other jurists, men of Sind, who were in his service” (179). His staying in the sultan’s service can be equated to fear of his own brutal execution, and lack of trust in the sultan to be fair and just in his punishments.

Though much of his stay in India was fairly static, the journey to and from the country involved more seafaring and river based travel. Ibn Battutah did not appear to be very fond of boats, or the crews that sailed them, but still gave good accounts of the vessels. When he travels with a new type of ship, he describes its appearance and craftsmanship, such as when he sees an ahawrah for the first time, “In the centre of it there was a wooden cabin to which one climbed up by steps…while the crew of about forty men rowed” (153). Considering he travelled with a group, even if just a few slaves and guides, each voyage by water had a small entourage of ships traveling together. Often they split up his group onto different vessels, so that there was enough space for the crew and cargo Ibn Battutah brought everywhere with him, among other things. This made sailing places tedious and often dangerous, as later on much of their party dies in a shipwreck. This does not happen until Ibn Battutah had left India however.

In this section of the journey, I think Ibn Battutah’s goals in writing about India are as a form of moral lesson to Muslims. While retelling of his time there, he delves into many terrible acts of murder performed by the sultan’s command, and also expresses distaste in local customs. Many of these customs and practices are uncomfortable to him because of his Muslim values, which he makes clear as well. By expressing the disgust or unjust nature of these events he has either witnessed or heard of, Ibn Battutah is telling a cautionary tale to his people, should they also not follow the rules of their religion.

The Travels of Ibn Battutah: Constantinople

Upon his arrival in Constantinople, Ibn Battutah describes the welcome procession that comes out to greet them. However, this seems to be far more for the sake of the Khatun, who had escorted Ibn Battutah’s party on a recent leg of their journey, as her parents, the sultan and his wife, welcome her home. Their procession kicks up so much dust that he is afraid of being trampled in the confusion, so he sticks close to the Khatun’s party. He notes that Muslims are not allowed to enter the palace without permission, and so special permission has to be granted by the Sultan for them to be let inside. He is also concerned with the gifts of hospitality that are made to him, which are mostly food, but seem acceptable based on his lack of further commentary. Before meeting the Sultan, Ibn Battutah is searched for knives, but he is assured that this practice is common and would be done no matter who he was— that is, they are not doing this merely because he is a traveler or a Muslim. He notes that the mosaics of the Sultan’s hall depict both animate and inanimate beings, which would be important to him because in Islamic art, it is forbidden to depict living creatures. The Sultan asks him about the Christian landmarks he has visited, and their conversation is interpreted by a Jew. Continuing with his custom of noting the marvels and holy people he encounters, Ibn Battutah describes the exterior of the great Aya Sufiya church, and the former King Jirjis, who renounced the throne in order to become a monk. He notes that within the Aya Sufiya, there is a separate church exclusively for women, but that he was unable to see the inside of the church for himself, because he would be required to prostrate himself before the cross in order to enter. He doesn’t voice any opinion on the women’s church, and it isn’t clear from his writing whether he judges them for letting women study, or appreciates that they are kept separate from the men. In fact, there are very few aspects of religious life here that Ibn Battutah appears to judge, even when they differ from his own beliefs, such as the artistic depictions of living beings. However, as an Islamic jurist traveling to insure Islam is being practiced properly and its laws are being upheld, his concern lies solely among fellow Muslims, and so what the Christians are doing is of no concern to him. His negative comments in this section are few: that the bazaars are dirty, that the coinage the Khatun gives him as a parting gift is not good money, and that with the exception of the Aya Sufiya, their churches are also “dirty and mean” (132). In total, he spends a month and six days in the city, being provided for by the Khatun and her family. Though he disapproves of the money they give him, he is made many more valuable and useful parting gifts, such as a fine woolen cloth, silks, and horses for his journey.

The Book of Margery Kempe: Jerusalem

Margery travels from Venice to Jerusalem by ship with her group of pilgrims. She does not note how long this journey takes, however she states that her pilgrims arrange a ship and obtain wine containers and bedding for themselves for this journey, though not for her (so she must obtain bedding herself). She then describes receiving a warning from God not to travel on the ship her fellow pilgrims had arranged, assigning her a different ship to sail in. She tells this information to her party, who sells their wine containers to join her on this other ship. This description of travel focuses on Margery’s relationship with God and the other pilgrims. While the pilgrims frequently express dislike towards Margery and exclude her, here Margery describes a reversal of power dynamics. Margery draws on religious authority and places herself in a position of power, even expressing that rather than her needing the pilgrims, they need her (“though it was against her will, she went on with them in their company, for they did not dare to do otherwise”)(103). Funnily, the pilgrims even have to sell the wine containers that they excluded her from.

Margery describes more mistreatment on the sea voyage to Jerusalem, expressing that a priest in the party took away her bedclothes and her sheet, rebuking her for being “false” (103). She does not explain why the priest does so, though says “she supposed they were annoyed with her” and proceeds to apologize  to the group for any annoyance she has caused, and tells the party that she forgives them for any wrongdoing they have done upon her (103). By describing this drama on the ship, Margery emphasizes overcoming struggles on her journey for God. She also places herself in a position of religious virtuosity (above the other pilgrims)  by apologizing (when she has not described having anything to apologize for) and forgiving the party for their mistreatment of her. She even says “God forgive you for it, as I do,” very closely linking herself with God and God’s feelings (and therefore authority) (103).

Once reaching land, Margery rides a donkey into Jerusalem. Rather than describing her surroundings, Margery focuses on her emotional reaction to seeing the holy land, and expresses that her emotions are so strong they are reflected through her body. She notes that one of these bodily reactions is almost falling off of her donkey. She writes that two German pilgrims helped keep her from falling, suggesting that Jerusalem was a center of interaction between many different cultures, all connected through the act of pilgrimage.

Rather than describing Jerusalem physically, Margery uses words such as “earthly” and “blissful” to describe it (103). This word choice demonstrates that Margery’s attention is very  much focused on the divine aspects of Jerusalem, rather than anything cultural or visual. She does not describe any logistical aspects of her stay, though she does write about visiting sites such as the Church of the Holy Sepulchre and Mount of Cavalry. In these locations, Margery weeps more loudly and dramatically than she ever has before, explaining that she is unable to control the divine sensations and passion she feels when being in such holy locations. Like before, many pilgrims are frustrated with her displays of passion, and so she expresses that she attempts to withhold her tears for as long as possible. However, she ultimately bursts into tears, reflecting the power of Margery’s religious devotion. She says that those who haven’t seen her tears before are amazed and astounded, highlighting the uniquely intense nature of her sobbing.

Margery’s focus on her relationship to God, divine locations, and how people perceive (and usually mistreat) her and her religious devotion suggest not only that Margery prioritizes all that has religious connection, but that Margery is recording her story in order to demonstrate how devoutly passionate (and close with God) she is.  Further, by framing her faith as stronger than and superior to the faith of others (meaning she is more closely linked with God), she is able to place herself in a position of some power through religion.

 

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