This exhibition examines the role of the news media in shaping political opinion from the late 1800s through the 1970s. It explores the growth, maturing, and impact of news media on American politics and public discourse.
Freedom of the press is specifically guaranteed in the Bill of Rights. The role of the press is a check on the three branches of government. This places great responsibility on the press to police leaders and ensure that the public interest is their first priority. The press’ commitment to this ideal has been tested at various times during the course of American history. Congress’ attempt in 1798 to curb freedom of speech through the Sedition Act was short lived and cemented the right of the press and public to criticize the government (Lendler 2004, 420).
From the revolutionary era through to the early 1900s, newspapers were the main medium for delivering news to the public. In the mid 1800’s the Penny Press made newspapers and news accessible to the public because it cost only a penny. There was an incentive for competition among newspapers as they depended on circulation to make money (Davis 1992, 63). By the late 1890s, the competition for readers by major newspapers created a sensationalist style of news reporting, known as yellow journalism. The two leading publishers, William Randolph Hearst (San Francisco Examiner) and Joseph Pulitzer (New York World) exemplified this style. Yellow journalism consisted of splashy headlines and exaggerated and often misleading stories that were taken out of context after being received through telegraph (Craig 2016, 132). In an effort to increase circulation, newspapers often published stories without care for ethical or trust-worthy reporting. A well known example of yellow journalism is the reporting on the sinking of the battleship Maine. Yellow journalists accused the Spanish of sinking the Maine. This reporting drove public opinion to support the United States to go to war with Spain (Copeland 2010, 118).
At the beginning of the 20th century, investigative reporting became popular. Journalists sought to expose illegal actions by government, businesses, and unions. During this period, those who challenged wrongdoing by these powerful interests considered themselves progressive journalists. These journalists were called Muckrakers by none other than President Theodore Roosevelt. Crusading journalists took the term as a badge of honor. Muckraking reporting in turn led to advocating political reform, legislative protection for workers, and a distrust for the growing influence of business monopolies (Copeland 2010, 130).
The influence of radio on the political landscape and as a news medium began in November 1920, as the presidential election results were broadcast for the first time (Copeland 2010, 178). By World War II, radio had become a major source of news delivery and breaking news for most Americans because it was delivered directly to their own homes (Copeland 2010, 181). At the start of World War II, two in three Americans said that they depended on radio as their principal news medium. The best example of the impact of radio was Edward R. Murrow’s nightly broadcasts for CBS News from Europe. Murrow’s first hand accounts of the start of German aggression in Europe, as well as his nightly broadcasts from London during the Blitzkrieg, had a huge impact in moving the American public from isolationism to preparing for war. Murrow’s broadcasts brought not only his first hand accounts of the day’s news, but also the sounds of bombings to Americans’ living rooms (Copeland 2010, 201-202).
Following World War II, television became the next medium to disrupt the delivery of news. By 1954, newspapers could still be found in 100% of homes. The rate of radio use had increased to 94% of homes. Whereas in 1948, only 172,000 television sets were in use, this number climbed to 35 million by 1954 (Copeland 2010, 212). Television’s ability to sway public opinion had an early display during the Cold War when Wisconsin Republican Senator Joseph McCarthy’s red-baiting was challenged by Edward R. Murrow. McCarthy used his office to accuse American citizens of being secret communist sympathizers. He focused his accusations on government officials and members of academia and the entertainment industry. His reckless accusations demonized those he accused and negatively impacted their lives and careers (Rosteck 1994, 12). Murrow, by then television anchor for See it Now on CBS, challenged McCarthy and his tactics. Murrow had gained national attention and trust for his World War II reporting. Murrow and his team, aware of the seriousness of their challenge to McCarthy, used their journalistic resources to produce a news report using McCarthy’s own words and actions against him. Print journalists had previously challenged McCarthy (Rosteck 1989, 280). However, Murrow’s use of television to challenge McCarthy showed the power of the television image to impact public opinion. The result of the broadcast changed public opinion about McCarthy and his tactics and contributed to ending his inquisition (Copeland 2010, 212).
The importance of television to influence and inform has continued since then, but the role of newspapers and radio was also maintained through the 1960s and 1970s. The reporting on the war in Vietnam and challenging the official government version through disclosure of the Pentagon Papers led to public distrust in government and public support for withdrawal from Vietnam. It also set the stage for the Watergate investigations, the resignation of President Richard Nixon, and the reforms against abuse of power that followed (Zimmer 1979, 743-744).
Bibliography:
Carey, Craig. 2016. “Breaking the News: Telegraphy and Yellow Journalism in the Spanish-American War.” American Periodicals 26 (2): 130–48. https://envoy.dickinson.edu:6555/login.aspx?direct=true&db=31h&AN=117364823&site=ehost-live&scope=site.
Copeland, David. 2010. The Media’s Role in Defining the Nation: the Active Voice. New York: Peter Lang.
Davis, Richard (Richard Dana). 1992. The Press and American Politics: the New Mediator. New York: Longman.
Lendler, Marc. 2004. “‘Equally Proper at All Times and at All Times Necessary’: Civility, Bad Tendency, and the Sedition Act” Journal of the Early Republic 24 (3): 419–44. https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=31h&AN=14680639&site=ehost-live&scope=site.
Rosteck, Thomas. 1989. “Irony, Argument, and Reportage in Television Documentary: See It Now Versus Senator Mccarthy.” Quarterly Journal of Speech75 (3): 277. doi:10.1080/00335638909383878.
Rosteck, Thomas. 1994. See It Now Confronts McCarthyism : Television Documentary and the Politics of Representation. Studies in Rhetoric and Communication. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press. https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=nlebk&AN=21093&site=ehost-live&scope=site.
Zimmer, Troy A. 1979. “The Impact of Watergate on the Public’s Trust in People and Confidence in the Mass Media.” Social Science Quarterly (University of Texas Press) 59 (4): 743–51. https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=31h&AN=16573966&site=ehost-live&scope=site.