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Ibn Fadlān and the Land of Darkness: The Bāshghirds

The description of the Bāshghirds is one of the shortest in Fadlān’s account and in it he focuses on violence, war, and religion. The first thing he says about these people is that they “took every precaution against them, for they are the worst of the Turks, the dirtiest and the readiest to kill” (23). He discusses three different religious sects within the Bāshghirds, which could all be considered different “clans” (24). The first carry around wooden phalluses that they pray to for thigs such as, in Fadlān’s example, protection or luck on a journey or when they run into an enemy. When Fadlān asks why they pray to this kind of idol the answer he receives is that they “came from such a thing and cannot imagine anything else to be [their] creator” (24). This supports the idea that physicality is important to this group, as well as the idea that creation and protection go hand in hand. The role of masculinity in this society could be easily extrapolated from this information. The second clan that Fadlān describes view the world as being ruled by twelve different lords that control the season, day and night, men, horses, etc. He comments that the lord of the sky is the most powerful, but that “he is in concord with the others, so that each approves what his companion does” (24). This describes a very organized, democratic religion which could host a detailed understanding of how the world works based on the interactions of the domains of each lord. It might suggest that this clan has democratic government, too, but Fadlān fails to comment on it. He ends his description with a quote from the Quran that, in this context, is very dismissive of other religious beliefs and this value judgment makes them seem silly in comparison. Finally, Fadlān mentions three clans that worship snakes, fish, and cranes, respectively. The crane worshipping clan shares the story of how they accepted the cranes as a deity, saying that when they were going to be defeated by some enemies “the cranes began to give their call behind their opponents. Their enemy was frightened and turned and fled” (24). As with the first clan, it seems that protection is very important to this group. Unlike the clan that worships many lords, Fadlān does not say anything negative about the more monotheistic groups he describes. He simply says things like, “and they worship them for that reason” (24). This gives the impression that monotheistic religions are more palatable for Fadlān. However, he does call all these people “the worst of the Turks,” so the respect is limited. The first thing Fadlān reports is the violent, war-like tendencies of the Bāshghirds before giving more specific religious information about them. It could be that he is scoping out possible northern allies and providing information pertaining to how their religion comparing to Islam to give the caliph an idea about how their working relationship could work or how hard it would be to convert them. Though, this seems unlikely since this section is so short and lacks a lot of information. It may be that Fadlān thought it would be amusing to share this religious information, especially polytheistic example.  

  

The Travels of Marco Polo: Tibet

In Marco Polo’s account of Tibet, he mentions many of their benefits merchant-wise but also focuses on a negative description of some of their customs. He begins his account by noting that the country is completely devastated, having been ravaged by the Mongu Khan. Much of the country is desolate, a 20 days journey with practically no food or shelter. The outskirts of the country are so infested with beasts that travelers must drive them off by using the loud cracking sounds of canes to protect themselves and their own animals (171). However, once travelers reach the region of the country with plentiful towns and villages, Polo notes the inhabitants have a great supply of gold dust and cinnamon. As well, the natives here do not have coinage nor do they use the Khan’s paper money. Instead, their form of currency is salt. They have their own language and are idolaters. He also notes that the natives live by “the chase”, the people here mainly herd animals and eat farm their own produce as a means of survival (173). They also have mastiffs as big as donkeys and other good hunting dogs to get food for their community (174). Polo also claims the people of Tibet are the “greatest rogues and robbers in the world” and are, therefore, “out-and-out bad” (173).

One of the customs Polo deems worthy of noting is their marriage customs. Polo describes how the men in this country deem women utterly unworthy if they are virgins, so much so that none would ever wed a woman who is a virgin. They also believe that women who have not been with many men must have displeased the gods in some way; otherwise many men would desire to lay with her. When travelers arrive in their villages, women come rushing with their daughters begging the men to lay with them and have their will with them. Then, once the traveler decides to leave the town, he gives the girl he laid with a token so she can prove she has had a lover and then be regarded highly in her village by having the most tokens. Another custom Polo records are the Tibetans’ “diabolic arts”. He describes the country as being known for its “skillful enchanters and astrologers” so powerful that they can bring on rainstorms as they please (174). However, the “diabolic arts” they behold are “better not to relate in this book” because men “might marvel over-much” (174). Polo claims the people are so evil in their witchery it should not be talked about in too much detail for fear of tempting others who may read his account of them. 

In Marco Polo’s account of Tibet, he presents a feeling of superiority toward this group of people. His description of their way of obtaining supplies for their people is written in a negative light. The people of Tibet, according to Polo, grow their own food, capture their food, or steal their food or other supplies. Though Polo regards these people as “out-and-out bad”. Polo notes earlier in the section on Tibet that the country had just recently been devastated by invasion, yet he insults them for their desperate ways to manage survival. The people have resorted to farming and robbery to get by, as they are typical and easier ways to manage survival in a time of poverty. Polo is ignorant of the poverty that has struck the country and imposes his own perception of superiority onto the people. 

Additionally, Polo regards the belief practices of this country to be “diabolic”, which suggests another example of Polo’s self-righteousness in his own religion (174). He describes their practices with the term “idolatry”, which he uses mainly to talk about religions that he encounters that he is unfamiliar with and, usually, results in detailing his distaste for their religious practices. Most worthy of note in Polo’s account of the religious practices of the people of Tibet is his concluding note that the customs of their religion are “better not to relate in this book” because men “might marvel over-much” (174). Marco relays significant detail about other factors of these people’s customs and his criticisms, yet in the account of the “enchanters and astrologers,” he chooses to claim that speaking of their practices could potentially sway his readers to evil intentions (174). Polo thus asserts his perceived religious superiority over the Tibetan people.

Travels of Ibn Battutah: Amjari

Eight years after Ibn Battutah’s original departure from his home in Morocco, he describes his arrival and experiences in Sind and North-Western India. In his narrative, he provides a detailed description of the town Amjari, its “infidel” inhabitants, and their cultural customs. Battutah does not provide an exact date of his arrival in Amjari, however his first accounts of Sind and North-Western India begins in mid-1333; with this in mind, and accounting for his time spent in other towns before arriving in Amjari,  it is likely that he made this visit in late 1333 or early 1334. Battutah did not spend a significant amount of time in Amjari, as he only passed through the community while traveling to the near-by town of Ajudahan. Despite his limited time spent in Amjari, Battutah’s detailed descriptions and strong reactions to their cultural customs show how certain groups of people cope with painful concepts such as death, as well as his own difficulty understanding cultures different from his own.

During this small section of his narrative, Battutah writes about the ritual in Amjari to burn widowed women to death. Although the widows get to make the choice to die or not, those who do not burn themselves “dress in coarse garments”, “live with their own people in misery”, and are “despised for their lack of fidelity” ( 158). The people of Amjari ostracize and look down upon widows who do not die with their husbands and choose to continue living as their own person. Even after dying, the husband has more agency and respect than the wife. This shows that the women of Amjari are not seen as separate beings from their husbands and have limited rights and opportunities because of it. It also implies that the Amjarians have strict beliefs regarding fidelity and marriage. 

While the widows who do not choose to burn to death face negative consequences, those who do choose to engage in this ritual are celebrated for their prestige and fidelity. This shows that for women, it is better to be dead than husbandless and outcasted. Battutah describes an extravagant, three-day celebration that precedes the burning of a widow.  These festivities include singing, dancing, concerts, and feasts, and it gives the widows an opportunity to say their farewells. After the third day of celebration, however, the widows are covered in oil and cast themselves into a large bonfire. Despite the excitement and fanfare of the townspeople during the burning, Battutah struggles to watch the events and notes that he “had all but fallen off [his] horse” (160). Battutah’s distressed response to the burning shows that, although he promotes modesty, piety, and fidelity among women, he still sees the value of a woman’s life even in widowhood. 

Battutah compares this practice to that of the “Indians” where they drown themselves in a “river of Paradise” to show their commitment to their God (160). Battutah directly compares these two practices because he struggles to understand how and why different cultures celebrate death under certain circumstances. His response is not surprising, though, considering that the Islamic faith highly values proper burials and holds specific beliefs about an afterlife.

 

Ibn-Baṭṭūṭa Muḥammad Ibn-ʿAbdallāh, and Tim Mackintosh-Smith. The Travels of Ibn Battutah. Translated by Gibb Hamilton Alexander Rosskeen, Picador, 2002.

Ibn Fadlān and the Land of Darkness: Jurjānīya

On their way to “the Gate of the Turks” (10), Fadlān and his group stop in Jurjānīya and were forced to stay there for three months because the Jayhun river froze and the “ice was seventeen spans thick” (8), though the notes show that this is an exaggeration. In this section, Ibn Fadlān describes the cold environment, how it seems to impact hospitality, and the group’s preparations for the next part of the journey. Fadlān states: “We saw a land which made us think that a gate to the cold of hell had opened before us”. In this environment, Fadlān notes, hospitality is built on warmth and sharing “a good fire”. This society also does not leave beggars out in the cold; they can come into the houses to warm up by the fire (8). Though not much information is given, it could be interpreted that being generous towards others in culturally important in Jurjānīya. In February, when the ice began melting, the group was able to start preparing for their journey. Some of the supplies they needed were camels, folding boats, “three month’s supply of bread, millet, and dried and salted meat”, and much warmer clothes (9). The group stayed in Jurjānīya from December 921 through February 922. Fadlān describes the weather as being quite dire, mentioning camels that die out in the cold and his beard freezing into a block of ice. He describes his living situation during this stay, saying that he “slept in a house, inside which was another, inside which was a Turkish felt tent” but even in this insulated state his “cheek froze to the pillow” (9).  

One arguable cultural difference that Fadlān encounters here is the treatment of beggars. He says that “it is a rule among them (the people from Jurjānīya) that beggars do not wait at the door, but come into the house…” (8). This implies that in Baghdad, and other places Fadlān has visited, that this is not the case. He writes without judgment and in a very neutral way in this section, so his style doesn’t make it seem strange to take care of beggars but, rather, that this custom is particular to the area. Given this idea, maybe beggars are well taken care of in Baghdad, but they don’t just enter someone else’s home. This is a concept that is interesting enough to Fadlān as a medieval traveler to mention, but also is strange enough for the modern reader to be made uncomfortable by. For many modern cultures, it would be unthinkable to walk into someone else’s home since there are now such strong ideas of property and ownership, along with what could be considered, in this way, a more individualist approach to life. Fadlān also calls the weather that he is experiencing “the cold of hell”. This begs the question; how does this theologian conceptualize hell? In Islam, there is a belief that some parts of hell are hot and others are cold. Because he was raised in a warm climate, does the idea of a cold hell hold more sway for Fadlān?  

 

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