Category: Ibn Fadlan (Page 4 of 7)

After leaving Bukhārā, Ibn Fadlān traveled through the land of the Ghuzz Turks. He describes the cultural practices he witnesses and situations that did not match with the practice of Islam. He begins by discussing the nomadic lifestyle of the Ghuzz Turks. He says that they move around, live in tents, “live in poverty, like wandering asses” (11). Their political regime is mentioned; Ibn Fadlān says that they have lords and a king, but that their strategy is based on “consultation among themselves” (12). This democratic policy is supported in the Quran, however Fadlān makes it clear that this is undercut by the fact that the “most wretched of them can go back and break the agreement” (12). Throughout his discussion of the Turks, Fadlān continuously mentions that that Ghuzz Turks have no religion but will copy the words of Muslim travelers in order to make a good impression (11-19). However, based on the extensive burial practices he describes and how these show that wealth and ownership in life are reflected in the experiences of the deceased in the afterlife, it seems as if he is overlooking it. He also comments on the fact that the Turks do not wash ritualistically, that the women don’t cover their hair and sometimes expose themselves in public, and that the marriage customs there are strange and immodest, apparently, in comparison to his own.   

Fadlān also describes the norms of hospitality, sharing that “no Muslim can cross their country without having made friends with one of them, with whom he stays and to whom he brings gifts from the lands of Islam” (14). Though he doesn’t explicitly state how long he and his party travelled through this land or that he stayed with anyone, this quote implies that he did make friends with at least one person and experience this hospitality himself. Fadlān describes the Ghuzz Turks as being very accommodating to their guests, from helping to make sure their food is prepared in a way that is required for them religiously to giving them possessions and money to borrow. However, they also take breaking the trust between guest and host very seriously (14-16). 

Ibn Fadlān repeats multiple times that it seems like the Turks simply repeat what is said to them rather than take an interest in Islam, or religion in general. This description makes it clear that attempts at converting and taking over this area may not be successful. However, this is packaged with descriptions of hospitality and how much the people value material possessions, especially from “the lands of Islam”. So, the purpose of this section could be to discuss important things to consider if the caliph wants to send a larger amount of people through the area and up to Bulghār, almost as a guide of what to expect. With this in mind, I find is strange that he didn’t include more information about the structure of the society or how cohesive the lords are if he is hoping to provide information to help with future military endeavors.  

When Ibn Fadlan arrived in Bukhara, he went to the amir’s minister, Jayhani: who is also famously the author of the lost text, Book of Roads and Kingdoms. Jayhani provided them with lodging and appointed a servant to carry out any of their hospitable needs. After “several days waiting,” Jayhani was granted a meeting with the amir, Nasr ibn Ahmed: who was either sixteen or seventeen at the time. Upon meeting Nasr ibn Ahmed, Fadlan immediately notices his lack of facial hair and his young age. Fadlan also notes that they “greeted him with the title amir.” Once they had sat down, at the amir’s command, the amir asked Fadlan about the caliph Muqutadir’s well-being. Then the amir directed his attention to the letter which demanded three things: to transfer the Arthakhushmithan funds, two letters, one that would guarantee Fadlan’s safe passage through Khwarazm and one that would provide Fadlan with an escort through the Gate of the Turk. The amir asks of Ahmad ibn Musa, recipient of the Arthakhushmithan funds, to which Fadlan says, “we left him in [Baghdad]. He was supposed to set out five days after us.” The amir wished Ahmad ibn Musa safe travels and then the conversation appears to end according to Fadlan’s record. However, Fadlan does describe the series of events that led to Ahmad ibn Musa’s imprisonment and subsequently, their twenty-eight day stay in Bukhara. Fadlan also talks about the “coinage of Bukhara.” He writes about how the Bukhara worth of currency is categorized and determined, and about what the coins are spent on. Lastly, Fadlan writes about the threat of an approaching winter that would halt their travels and how they had to leave Bukhara without Ahmed ibn Musa. 

I found Fadlan’s relationship with the amir to be surprisingly ingenuine. When Fadlan first mentioned Jayhani, he includes his occupation and his nickname, “The Venerable Support.” Yet, Fadlan first directly mentions the amir casually by name, without title. He then writes about the amir’s lack of bear and young age, assumably with condescension, since facial hair is a symbol of masculinity in Islam. Also, when Fadlan describes the circumstances surrounding Ahmad ibn Musa’s tardiness, it is unclear if the amir was clued into this part of the story or when Fadlan was made aware. It is also notable that while Fadlan spent twenty-eight days in Bukhara, staying in the house Jayhani provided, there was only one conversation recorded. Whether it be the amir’s age or how he worships or something else, Fadlan appears to look down upon him behind his back, while maintaining decorum to his face. 

Fadlan’s desire to continue his travels with safe passage through boarders is reliant on the amir’s letters. The amir is instructed by the Muqutadir to write one letter and give it to Fadlan and write another that would be sent ahead of him. The letters from the amir act as medieval passport and are necessary for traveling through warring lands. 

When Fadlan writes about the “coinage of Bukhara,” he is surprised that the coins are not weighed to distinguish worth and instead counted. He then explains the difference by giving examples of the things that are bought with the which coins. To explain how larger purchases are paid, he gives marriage doweries, property, and slaves. This part does not seem to be surprising to Fadlan. 

I decided to start with the first major location that Ibn Fadlān visits, Bukhārā. In his description he focuses on the people he meets with. He and his party have a meeting with Amir Nasr ibn Ahmad, arranged by his minister Jayhānī. Ibn Fadlān notes that Jayhānī is called “the venerable support” in Khurāsān. He also says that they “spent several days waiting and then Jayhānī requested an audience” with the amir for them. This suggests something about the status and job description of the minister; either he has the power to decide when people are seen by the amir or he is familiar enough with his schedule to know when a good time to request a meeting be set. Fadlān does not say much directly about the amir, except that he is “a beardless youth”. The notes suggest that Nasr ibn Ahmad was only sixteen or seventeen when they met (5). The party stayed in Bukhārā waiting for Ahmad ibn Mūsā, who was meant to be travelling with them, but they were ushered out of the city before winter. Another thing Fadlān was interested in was the different use of coins in the area, specifically that they were counted instead of weighed in some transactions. Of course, this system might be used for other types of purchases that he has not mentioned, but it is definitely used for settling dowries and buying slaves and property.  

When the party arrived in Bukhārā they were immediately given a house to stay in and a servant to provide them with “anything” they might want (5). Considering that we know this travelling party wouldn’t be small, I think it is safe to assume that this was only for the upper members of the group if they all fit into one house. They stayed for twenty eight days in the late fall.  

The first unusual thing I noticed is that we begin to hear about temperature differences at the very beginning of the story. So far, they have only moved about 400 miles north of Baghdad, though about 1,200 miles east, and today Bukhārā has a low of around thirty degrees in February. To me, this does not seem too bad. However, it adds some perspective to the coming description of “the cold of hell” (8). To people who have lived in warm temperatures their entire lives, any colder temperatures would feel even more extreme, and even painful, as they move northward.  

The purpose of Ibn Fadlān writing this account is to share information with the caliph. When he describes Amir Nasr ibn Ahmad he mentions that he is young and, technically, not a man yet. But greater care is taken to describe how the amir reacts to the letters of instruction Fadlān brings him from the caliph. He seems to accept the instructions happily. However, he was meant to transfer the revenue overseen by al-Fadl ibn Mūsā to Ahmad ibn Mūsā, who is trying to catch up to the group. But Ahmad ibn Mūsā never reaches the group because someone tips off al-Fadl ibn Mūsā, who has him caught on the road and dealt with. I suppose this means there was no one to whom the amir could transfer the funds, since al-Fadl ibn Mūsā ushered the group out of the city by convincing some of the party that they needed to leave now, or they would have to stay the whole winter. This is a very helpful comment which keeps the group appraised of the weather conditions in an unfamiliar area and, incidentally, saves the man al-Fadl ibn Mūsā works for a lot of money. The person who tipped him off could have been the amir. Maybe he isn’t as loyal to the caliph as he made it sound.  

Ibn Fadlān also says that they greeted Nasr ibn Ahmad with the title of amir, which to me implies they had a choice. Maybe, since they are from another province, they have the option to recognize the rule of someone else, though this seems unlikely to me.  The detailed description of the use of different coins tells me that there are less types of coins in Baghdad and that counting them instead of weighing them is different, but that it isn’t weird to pay for marriage or have slaves.  

Though the Tabula Rogerianais incredibly accurate for the time period, mapping ibn Fadlan’s journey onto it has significantly altered the visual representation of his journey.  On the modern map, ibn Fadlan’s path takes him much further North that it does East.  His journey takes an abrupt turn at Bukhara where the main direction of travel transition from East to North.  In the medieval map, however, ibn Fadlan’s journey takes him farther East than it does North, completely altering the perspective of the viewer as to which direction was more applicable.  On the medieval map, ibn Fadlan’s travels are more aptly described as his travels East, whereas on the modern map, he mostly traveled North.

As such, in the medieval map, the Caspian Sea, or bahr al hozaras it is labeled on the Tabula Rogeriana, appears to be a significantly more relevant landmark for ibn Fadlan as his journey appears to more closely circumvent the body of water. Ibn Fadlan appears far closer to the Caspian Sea at the Northern most point of his travels, having passed more or less around the circumference of the Caspian Sea.  In the modern map, however, the Caspian Sea has no impact on his actual path and is much further West and South of his journey than it appears in the medieval map.

Finally, the proper South-up orientation of the Tabula Rogerianadepicts ibn Fadlan’s travels as going down around the Caspian Sea instead of up into the treacherous mountains and rivers of what is now called Russia, relatively close to Moscow.   Not only does this shift the visualization of his journey, but the end of the Northern side of the medieval map cuts off the top of that northern Eurasian landmass, about halfway through what is today’s Russia.  Ibn Fadlan’s final destination, Bulghar, is incredibly close to this northern edge of the map, making it appear as though he traveled nearly to the most northern, or bottom, edge of the world.  This greatly contrasts with the modern map, which reveals that he made it just about half way through Russia at the western edge, far from the Barents Sea.  As such, ibn Fadlan’s journey appears to take him to the edge of the known world on the Tabula Rogeriana, while on the modern map, his travels take him significantly north, but well within the confines of the Eurasian landmass.

When comparing both versions of the map, I found it interesting that it was much easier to pinpoint the different locations on the modern map, than it was on the medieval map. To be more specific, I believed that by using the Tabula Rogeriana map, I would be able to find the locations that Ibn Fadlan traveled to, since it is closer to the map he would have used during his travels. Because Fadlan was a well-known Muslim traveler, the Rogeriana map would be something he might find useful during his travels. This is because it was very detailed, and highlighted many major cities from different countries. It was also created by a Muslim geographer, and had certain middle-eastern places as the center of the map, as well as the south being in the direction of the north in modern day maps. Therefore, when looking up the different locations that Fadlan traveled to, I believed it would easily coincide with the major cities and points indicated on the Rogeriana. However, when trying to find the different cities, it was difficult to connect them. For instance, some of the names of the different locations were not spelled the same way, or they were not located around the same area as they would be on the modern map. However, when doing it on the modern map, it was much easier to find the different places he traveled to, since they were in the same locations, and had some of the same names, just different variations. As I compared the two side by side, the direction in which Fadlan traveled did not match up, although I tried to map them as closely together as possible. For the modern map, the direction of his travels seem to be consistent, whereas with the medieval map, it goes a bit out of order.