Month: March 2018 (Page 5 of 7)

The Book of Margery Kempe: Mount Calvary

Margery arrives in Jerusalem after taking a sea voyage from Venice. She actually never specifies exactly how long this journey took her. Sailboats travel at approximately 5 miles per hour, and the distance between Venice and Jerusalem is roughly 2000 miles. With this data and assuming good weather, it would take at least 17 days on a boat to get from Venice, Italy to Jerusalem. Margery does state that her and her companions stay in and around the city of Jerusalem for three weeks. During her stay in Jerusalem, Margery and her companions travel to Mount Calvary, the location where Christ was crucified. Today there is actually no consensus on this location, other than it is somewhere directly outside the walls of Jerusalem before its destruction in AD 70, and that it would have been well-visible to passersby. On the Mount of Calvary specifically, Margery details the great fits and convulsions of tears that she had at the location where Christ was supposedly crucified. She details visions she received on site of Christ’s body hanging on the cross in great detail, with Christ’s body “more full of wounds than a dove-cote ever was of holes, hanging upon the cross with the crown of thorns upon his head, his blessed hands, his tender feet nailed to the hard wood, rivers of blood flowing out plenteously from every limb” (106). Margery goes on to detail for a page and  a half why her constant bouts of tears and wails are perfectly nonsensical. She makes an analogy of her crying over the Passion of Christ like a sinner who offends God crying uncontrollably over the loss of a friend or lover. Kempe spends time justifying her tears and portrays her relationship with Christ as something very personal, crying over him the way that sinners would cry over the loss of a mere mortal. Margery also comments that she receives communion on the Mount of Calvary, and claims that she was “so full of holy thoughts and meditations, and holy contemplations… that she could never express them later, so high and so holy they were” (107). Once more at the Mount of Calvary she focuses deeply on her personal fits of crying, but this time there is an enhanced focus on the state of Jesus Christ in his Passion, and explaining why her fits are logical and worthy of applause through a comparison to individuals who grieve without restraint over the loss of someone worth less than the Son of God.

I believe in her analogy of her tears for the loss of Christ to other people’s tears for the loss of friends and loved ones, Margery is making a cultural commentary. She is calling people out by stating that if a person can cry immeasurably over a “creature” who has sinned against his Maker, and does so knowing it is shameful to God, it is extremely hypocritical that those same individuals should judge Kempe’s tears for Jesus Christ, who was without sin and was wrongfully condemned to death to ensure the salvation of all sin.  I think Margery’s analogy is particularly powerful because the loss of something well-loved, both material and human, is something nearly everyone can relate to. In that way, it is particularly powerful in prompting introspection into why Margery’s companions and others that judge her wails cry about losing wealth, friends, or lovers, more than they do over the pain Jesus Christ suffered. This calls into question the true belief of her companions and individuals in the 15th century, considering religion plays a more potent role in 15th century England and Europe than it necessarily does in the 21st century (at least on a political level, churches arguably have much less power and influence on individuals today, and profession of atheism is rising). Margery’s purpose through her analogy upon her arrival at the Mount of Calvary seems to not only reassert her own authority and justify her tears, but to beg the question– just how loyal to Christ are fellow pilgrims or Christian members of society? She consistently remarks through her text how often she is resented, scorned, and left behind, painting a picture (once again through her analogy) that many individuals are not earnest believers that truly care or have empathy for Jesus, who is supposed to be their Lord and Savior.

Ibn Fadlan and the Land of Darkness: Saqsin

When Abu Hamid arrives in the city of Saqsin, he notices that it is inhabited by 40 different tribes, all of which have a different amir. When talking about their living spaces, Hamid goes into detail about both their huts—how big they are and them being covered in felt—and their surrounding community. Among them are merchants who come from all over in grand numbers, and the mosques set up for different groups of people. There’s one for the Khazars, Bulghars, the Suwar, and others. “On feast days they set up many pulpits and each amir prays in front of many different nations. Each different group has its own judges, religious scholars and preachers,” (63). By stating this, Hamid highlights the fact that each group of people has their own specific way of living in the city. He even mentions that he has made his home among them, and in fact keeps his family there, before pointing out that the country itself is very cold.

He goes on to talk about the various elements of the city, including its food sources, currency, and the different features the area has to offer. Hamid comments on how he’s never seen the type of fish they have in their rivers before, and describes how some of them are as big as a person. He even mentions how they taste even better than lamb or chicken, and “enough oil comes out of their belly to provide lighting for a month,” (64). In the way he talks about it, Hamid clearly thinks their fish are amazing, and is in awe of how much in abundance there is. As far as the city’s currency, Hamid claims that they use a sort of white lead, “valued at one dinar for eight Baghdadi mann. They cut it into little bits and use it to buy the fruit, bread and meat they want,” (64). He mentions that their meat is cheap, and they also have various fruits in abundance.

Later on, Hamid also talks about the climate, and how because it can get really cold during the year, their houses are built to withstand it. They’re made out of pine and covered in sheepskin so as to keep the warmth in. He also says “the river freezes until it is like land,” (65) where people, as well as animals, are able to travel across it, and that the snow is even different colors in some parts of the land where people come to take it down the river to another city called Bulghar.

In the way he talks about this city, Abu Hamid seems to admire it very much. There is no criticism when he describes their living situations, or the climate/features of the land. Even when speaking of their customs, and how different groups of people have their own way of doing things, Hamid just seems to be taking it all in. He even goes as far as to compliment some things—like their food. In doing so, I believe his purpose is to simply list these things about the city as a way to learn more about them.

The Book of John Mandeville: The Land of Prester John

John Mandeville depicts the fictional land of Prester John in his Book of Marvels and Travels as somewhat utopic. He describes Prester John himself as an Emperor over all of the islands of India, overseeing the kings of seventy-two provinces, all whom have a number of other kings subject to them. The place where Prester John resides is called the isle of Pentoxoire, of which the greatest city is called Nisa. Mandeville emphasizes the wealth of this land, portraying it to be abundant with precious stones, including an entire river that is composed of gemstones instead of water, which flows out of paradise, through enormous mountains, and into a sea of sand which yields especially sweet-tasting fish. Prester John and most of his subjects are purportedly Christian. Though they do not possess “all the articles” of the faith extending from the organized Church authority of Western Europe, they believe in the Holy Trinity and practice the faith with great devotion. Mandeville lauds this fictional group of people as especially loyal, and caring not for material possessions.

Mandeville also describes the political nature of Prester John’s land. In addition to discussing how many kings are under his authority among the numerous islands of his so-called Empire, Mandeville builds up the mythology of this place by describing the composition of his court — kings, dukes, earls, bishops, and so on. He claiming that the Prester John always marries the Great Khan’s daughter and that the Great Khan always marries the Prester John’s daughter. This construction of a political relationship with an existing empire is interesting in its attempt to ground the land of Prester John in some reality. Some details of Prester John’s military forces and practices are also described. When he marches into battle against other rulers, he is accompanied by an army of “innumerable men” and gemstone-encrusted crosses are carried before him. This builds on the idealization of Prester John as a figure in the text: he is not only immensely faithful, but rich and noble and strong in battle as well.

Mandeville does not have much information to convey about the travel journey to the land of Prester John. He merely says that one can get there by travelling through Persia, and names a couple of cities one passes through along the way. Once one arrives at Pentoxoire, it takes a journey of four months to traverse it. He takes care to emphasize that the land of Prester John is incredibly remote and difficult to reach. He reports that, in addition to its remoteness, people from afar typically avoid going there because of the danger of sea travel. According to Mandeville, the presence of large adamantine rocks in the land of Prester John poses a particular threat to ships by pulling iron nails out of wood. These serve as convenient explanatory notes considering this land does not exist and Mandeville never travelled to any of the places in his Book of Marvels and Travels anyway.

Mandeville’s depiction of Prester John acts as a kind of assurance to Western European Christians: if one travels far enough past Jerusalem, one will reach Christianity again. This imaginary Christian empire on the other side of the world is presented as mystical, morally pure, and virtually unreachable, revealing the theological desires and uncertainties of the medieval European mind.

The Book of the Wanderings of Felix Fabri: Valscian

Felix Fabri describes the town of Valscian, also known as In der Burg, in his second pilgrimage to Jerusalem. Fabri’s party rode through Valscian on their way from Trent, Italy to Spiteli, Italy, stopping only for a “short rest” in the town (17). The journey from Trent to Spiteli was only one day’s travel; they left Trent on the 22nd of April after Mass and arrived at Spiteli during the night. Most of Fabri’s account of Valscian is centered on the history of the town’s name and the geography of the surrounding area, with a focus on language.

Fabri describes Valscian as a “long, wide, and fertile valley” with inhabitants that speak both German and Italian (17). In his first mention of the town’s name, Fabri notes that it is only called Valscian in the “vulgar tongue,” which refers to and shows Fabri’s bias against the Italian language. When he finds a resident that speaks German, Fabri asks why Valscian is called as such, which highlights Fabri’s interest in language and the meaning and history behind the name. In telling the history of Valscian, the man from Valscian tells Fabri that the name ‘Valscian’ translates to ‘the dry valley’ and details how the valley had been filled with water in ancient times. The recounting of Valscian’s history reveals that there are iron rings to moor ships on the sides of the mountains surrounding the valley, which illustrates the level of water previously in it and how the culture and uses of the valley have changed over time. Fabri specifically writes that he gains a greater understanding of the local geography from the townsperson’s story, but words it in a way that makes it seem as if he is giving himself all of the credit for discovering this revolutionary fact that the townsperson just told him: “[f]rom this story [Fabri] was able to note that all the valleys in these mountains which trend towards the sea were once full of water, and were channels leading into the Mediterranean Sea, even as now happens in lands close to the sea, as [Fabri had] said before” (17).  By seeming to give himself the credit for making this connection, Fabri places himself above the townsperson in intellect or possibly just ignores the role of the townsperson in general to focus on himself. In the next sentence, Fabri writes that the “Germans call Valscian In der Burg,” reestablishing the role of Germany and the German people in his recount and in the identity of the town, even though Valscian is in Italy and should probably therefore be called by its Italian name (17-18). Including a brief statement about why Germans call the town In der Burg, Fabri reasserts his interest in the histories and names of places. Alternatively, it could be argued that Fabri is comparing the history and relevancy of each name, although the connotation of his descriptive phrase about the history of the German name In der Burg comes off as fairly neutral. From his added tangent of the reason behind Germans calling Valscian In der Burg, Fabri includes more geographic information about the Vascian: “there are two castles overlooking the town, and the town lies within the castle wall,” which highlights his interest in the physical and geographic aspects of location (18).

The Book of Margery Kempe: Venice

In the course of her pilgrimage, Margery Kempe mentions that she passes through Constance, Bologna, and Venice. The former two appear to be short stays, but she and her companions stay in Venice for thirteen weeks. After her estrangement from her companions, Kempe rejoined the group in Bologna after she arrived at the city before them, amazing them with her traveling ability. However, they made her promise not to talk too much about the Gospel, and to more or less act like a normal person. She agreed, and accompanied them onward to Venice.

 

In Venice, Kempe does not mention where she slept. However, she does say that she took communion every Sunday “in a great house of nuns,” presumably a convent. She praises the nuns for their welcoming nature in inviting her to take communion with them. She also mentions that the nuns were “amazed” at the visions of Jesus Christ that Kempe had while she was among them. These details have the potential to provide some information about Venetian convents at the time of Kempe’s visit. It is possible they were generally welcoming places that would invite any person (or perhaps any woman) to receive communion with them. It is also possible that they were used to the presence of pilgrims or that they held specific services for pilgrims. However, Kempe does not specify, so it is hard to tell if she took communion with them alone or with other pilgrims.

 

After their stay of thirteen weeks, Kempe and the rest of her company begin making preparations for the continuation of their journey. Unfortunately, Kempe has already fallen out of their favor again, so they all make preparations on their own and exclude her. The other pilgrims arranged a ship, bought containers for wine, and arranged bedding. This list of tasks reveals what was necessary for ocean travelers at the time, as well as the priorities of the pilgrims. It shows that they had to book passage on a ship, and also that the ship, presumably, provided food (because they do not prepare food) but did not provide bedding or wine. The need for bedding implies that the travelers would be sleeping in beds on the ship, and not ruder accomodations like hammocks or the floor. The emphasis on wine seems puzzling, because it does not immediately occur to be a necessity. However, it is possible that the travelers would have limited access to fresh water during their journey, and that, during the time period, wine was healthier and more accessible.

 

Kempe also reports an interesting incident on the ship. A priest steals one of her sheets and claims it is his own, and she stands up to him, at which point he swore on the Bible and left her scorned and without a sheet. This incident reveals something about Kempe’s status, which is also made clear by the contemptuous treatment at the hands of her companions (although this is also due to her somewhat trying personality). For some reason, many of the people Kempe encounters attempt to command her or take advantage of her in some way. This could be because travel during this time was inherently difficult and hostile. But it seems that people take it for granted that no one will believe Kempe’s word or take her side, which could be because she is a woman. A priest, especially, would be well-suited to defraud her because his word would bear much greater weight than hers. Kempe positions herself as nearly a martyr, using these incidents as further fodder for her religious zeal.

 

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