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Ibn Fadlan And the Land of Darkness: Bukhara

February 17, 2022 / walrondl / 0 Comments

When Ibn Fadlan arrived in Bukhara, he went to the amir’s minister, Jayhani: who is also famously the author of the lost text, Book of Roads and Kingdoms. Jayhani provided them with lodging and appointed a servant to carry out any of their hospitable needs. After “several days waiting,” Jayhani was granted a meeting with the amir, Nasr ibn Ahmed: who was either sixteen or seventeen at the time. Upon meeting Nasr ibn Ahmed, Fadlan immediately notices his lack of facial hair and his young age. Fadlan also notes that they “greeted him with the title amir.” Once they had sat down, at the amir’s command, the amir asked Fadlan about the caliph Muqutadir’s well-being. Then the amir directed his attention to the letter which demanded three things: to transfer the Arthakhushmithan funds, two letters, one that would guarantee Fadlan’s safe passage through Khwarazm and one that would provide Fadlan with an escort through the Gate of the Turk. The amir asks of Ahmad ibn Musa, recipient of the Arthakhushmithan funds, to which Fadlan says, “we left him in [Baghdad]. He was supposed to set out five days after us.” The amir wished Ahmad ibn Musa safe travels and then the conversation appears to end according to Fadlan’s record. However, Fadlan does describe the series of events that led to Ahmad ibn Musa’s imprisonment and subsequently, their twenty-eight day stay in Bukhara. Fadlan also talks about the “coinage of Bukhara.” He writes about how the Bukhara worth of currency is categorized and determined, and about what the coins are spent on. Lastly, Fadlan writes about the threat of an approaching winter that would halt their travels and how they had to leave Bukhara without Ahmed ibn Musa.

I found Fadlan’s relationship with the amir to be surprisingly ingenuine. When Fadlan first mentioned Jayhani, he includes his occupation and his nickname, “The Venerable Support.” Yet, Fadlan first directly mentions the amir casually by name, without title. He then writes about the amir’s lack of bear and young age, assumably with condescension, since facial hair is a symbol of masculinity in Islam. Also, when Fadlan describes the circumstances surrounding Ahmad ibn Musa’s tardiness, it is unclear if the amir was clued into this part of the story or when Fadlan was made aware. It is also notable that while Fadlan spent twenty-eight days in Bukhara, staying in the house Jayhani provided, there was only one conversation recorded. Whether it be the amir’s age or how he worships or something else, Fadlan appears to look down upon him behind his back, while maintaining decorum to his face.

Fadlan’s desire to continue his travels with safe passage through boarders is reliant on the amir’s letters. The amir is instructed by the Muqutadir to write one letter and give it to Fadlan and write another that would be sent ahead of him. The letters from the amir act as medieval passport and are necessary for traveling through warring lands.

When Fadlan writes about the “coinage of Bukhara,” he is surprised that the coins are not weighed to distinguish worth and instead counted. He then explains the difference by giving examples of the things that are bought with the which coins. To explain how larger purchases are paid, he gives marriage doweries, property, and slaves. This part does not seem to be surprising to Fadlan.

Emily Caspersen Blog Post 1

February 17, 2022 / casperse / 0 Comments

Emily Caspersen
February 16, 2022
The Book of Margery Kempe: Compostella, Bologna, and Venice

Kempe recorded her time travelling through Compostella, Bologna, and Venice as a period in her life that was mostly hellish and lonely (Kempe, 99-102). She was more concerned with the measures the pilgrims in her group took against her, such as stealing a huge percentage of her money, than with the local populations (Kempe, 100, 99-102) However, she described the locales as doing the best they could for her in terms of comfort (Kempe, 101). Kempe does not provide the dates she was in Compostella, Bologna, or Venice, but she does note that she stayed in Venice for thirteen weeks (Kempe 101, 99-102). She was frustrated with the language barrier keeping her from communicating with the local people, which is very understandable (Kempe, 101). Something that seems odd to me in 2022 but likely would not be surprising to travelers in the Medieval era is that her hostesses often gave up their beds for her (Kempe, 101). Another part of this account that sticks out to me is Kempe’s emphasis on how difficult this pilgrimage was for her mental health, yet she agrees to continue travelling with those who made the journey harder for her than it had to be (Kempe, 101, 99-102).

Kempe’s expression of her annoyance at the woman she brought along as her maid suggests that women of her culture expected each other to have their backs. Kempe states, “And all the time her maidservant left her alone and prepared the company’s food and washed their clothes, and to her mistress, whom she had promised to serve, she would in no way attend.” (Kempe, 102) In this short quote, Kempe makes two references to what she perceived to be abandonment and states her needs were ignored. This shows that the way her maid treated her is something that greatly affected her emotionally despite having described her maid’s service to her already once having been terminated by their group (Kempe 100). Regardless of how the maid views Kempe, the other pilgrims likely influenced her actions (Kempe 100-102). Kempe must realize this as well, showing that she expects the maid to voluntarily suffer any consequences that serving her would bring. (Kempe, 99-102) The punishments inflicted on Kempe demonstrate a large emphasis on her culture’s value in blending in with people you spend your time with; this is shown because she is punished due to what the group views as inappropriate behavior (Kempe 100,101-102) Hopefully, today she would not have been so mistreated, but her companions would not to travel with her if she was making no effort fit in (Kempe 100-102). I believe that Kempe wrote Chapter 27 for readers who want something raw and honest to help them deal with their own emotions. This is because of her use of the word “creature” (Kempe 99) to describe herself and the detailed account of all the unfortunate things that happened to her, paints her in a very vulnerable light (Kempe 99-102) Kempe also casts the majority of her companions in a bad light, so maybe she is trying to process her own anger by acknowledging what happened to her. (Kempe 99-102)

Kempe, Margery c.1373-c.1439, and B. A. Windeatt. The Book of Margery Kempe, Chapters 26-27, Penguin, Harmondsworth, 1987, https://lms.dickinson.edu/pluginfile.php/1699754/mod_resource/content/0/MargeryKempeJerusalem.pdf

The Travels of Ibn Battutah: Cairo

February 16, 2022 / kremerv / 0 Comments

Near the beginning of his travels, Ibn Battutah comes to the modern-day city of Cairo, which he refers to as Misr. Ibn Battutah focuses on the cultural and political aspects of Cairo as opposed to the geographic and natural physical characteristics. The only natural phenomenon that Ibn Battutah talks at length about is the Nile River. Ibn Battutah describes how he uses the Nile to travel both to and from Cairo. He claims that the Nile is one of the world’s most important rivers, comparing it to the Euphrates and the Tigris. He notes that the Nile is extraordinary because it flows south to north unlike any other river. Ibn Battutah emphasizes how the Nile is essential to life in Cairo and how Cairo is located where it is because of the Nile. Ibn Battutah comments that Cairo’s location of the Nile helps Cairo in its agricultural pursuits, trade, and travel. The Nile is a major thoroughfare in Egypt, with goods traveling up and down the river. The allowed easy travel to and from Cairo, and also made Cairo a stopping point in trade that was going out into the Mediterranean Sea. The Nile was also good for agriculture around Cairo, helping to support its population and furthering trade. Ibn Battutah notes that Cairo is the place “of broad provinces and fruitful lands.”

Instead of focusing on geographic landmarks, Ibn Battutah is more concerned with the culture and people that live in Cairo. Ibn Battutah describes Cairo as being an incredibly cosmopolitan city, with many different types of people. Ibn Battutah says the population varies greatly, with some being incredibly wealthy and others destitute and poor. He goes into detail about the more important people that live in Cairo such the Sultan of Egypt and the amirs of Cairo. Ibn Battutah comments on the nobility and generosity of these different characters, how they were very wealthy and religiously virtuous. I think that Ibn Battutah includes these details because they are people, he would need to endear himself to those people and treat them with respect, especially if they were going to read his work or hear about.

Beyond people, Ibn Battutah also describes many buildings and cultural landmarks. Many of these were religious in nature like famous mosques, madrasahs, and convents. He notes how these buildings are all beautiful. He also describes their location in detail and the types of people that live there. Ibn Battutah relates how the people in convents lived such as their daily routines and how they practiced Sufism and were Persian. Ibn Battutah notes the great cultural landmarks around Cairo like the pyramids and berbas. There are also other more significant religious sites that Ibn Battutah encounters like the al-Qarafah cemetery, the mausoleum, and the shrine of Husain. I think Ibn Battutah intentionally focuses on religious sites and monuments because religion is important to his own personal identity. Ibn Battutah is a Muslim and constantly references God and the Quran. Clearly, religious matters are important to him so it makes sense that he would pay special attention to religious places and the behaviors of religious people.

The Book of Margery Kempe: Zierikzee

February 16, 2022 / hughessa / 0 Comments

In this section of Margery Kempe’s travel narrative, she travels to Zierikee after leaving her husband in England and receiving a blessing from Master Robert. While in this town, Margery wept for her sins, the sins of others, and in compassion for the Lord’s Passion. She went to church to receive communion every Sunday, overcome by weeping and wailing each time. The people of the town noticed her constant wailing and wondered how God was acting though her. She was commanded to eat meat by her confessor even though she had not eaten meat or drank wine for four years before she left England. She ate meat and drank wine for a while but then refused. Her confessor became angry and chided her to which she replied with proclamations of how great the Lord is. Her companions abandon her and only one returns in the morning to invite her on pilgrimage with him and a few others to Constance. Her new fellow travelers still treated her poorly on their journey. In a church, she wept and prayed and the Lord spoke to her letting her know that no harm would come to her or her companions while she was with them.

There is an overwhelming amount of religion in this section of the Book of Margery Kempe. Clearly, the most important aspect and purpose of her travels are for religious purposes. The author describes Margery’s weeping and praying and how other people treat her because of her actions. She refused to eat meat and drink wine which caused trouble for her in this town. Her companions become annoyed with her because she refuses to eat the food and because she constantly weeps and speaks of the goodness of the Lord. The most we learn about her travel is that Margery is essentially bullied and made fun of constantly by her companions because of her weeping and constant proclamations.

There is not much detail about the actual location in this chapter. We learn a little bit about a few people, but only how annoyed they became with Margery. The author is very focused on Margery’s weeping and praying and how it affects her relationship with other people. This shows a fascination with Margery’s life as a mystic. If I remember correctly from my religion class freshman year, Margery was a mystic and these mystics were known for their weeping and public displays of compassion for the Lord’s passion. This book is autobiographical, so, Margery did not write it herself. The author’s concern for how mysticism affects Margery’s relationship with others potentially shows an “otherness” or a fascination with Margery as a mystic. Clearly, the people she interacts with are not big fans of her. Yet, there is a constant return to Margery’s relationship with God. When Margery struggles, she is said to turn to God and listen to him and he grants her safety. I wouldn’t say that this shows a particularly devout author however, I would say that the author has an interest in religion, as it is basically the only thing talked about in this section of the book. It is also interesting how Margery is referred to as a “creature,” dehumanizing her. This is interesting because Margery is alienated from everyone else anyways because of her mysticism and the language used to describe her only alienates her more, making her seem less human.

The Itinerary of Benjamin of Tudela: Constantinople

February 16, 2022 / winterch / 0 Comments

During the long travels of Benjamin of Tudela, he found himself at a center of the medieval world and the point between Europe and Asia: Constantinople. At this time, the city was under the rule of the Greeks and served as the capital of the Greek Empire, which is today understood to be the Byzantine Empire. Due to the city’s position between Europe and Asia, it was a multicultural hub between the Christian, Islamic, and Jewish worlds.

If there is one thing that Benjamin of Tudela notices, it is the incredible wealth of Constantinople. There are countless churches across the 18-mile circumference of the city (pp. 20-21), and these churches are lavishly decorated. At one site in particular, he recounts that “there are pillars of gold and silver, and lamps of silver and gold more than a man can count,” (p. 21).

Among members of the ruling class, whose names he charmingly appears to find strange (p. 19-20), there are even more impressive displays of wealth and power. At the court of the King Emanuel, “men from all the races of the world […] introduce lions, leopards, bears, and wild asses, and they engage them in combat with one another,” (p. 21). Such a show was unlike anything else in the world at the time, and the ability of one man with enough influence to establish such a strange event was clearly something that impressed our author.

Second to wealth and influence, Benjamin of Tudela was also concerned with the plight of Jews in Byzantium. It would not be accurate to say the Jews of Constantinople, “for they have been placed behind an inlet of the sea,” (p. 23), effectively banished from life in the city. Benjamin of Tudela was himself a Jewish rabbi, and therefore sees the Jewish situation in Constantinople plainly as oppression, and he uses that word repeatedly to describe all aspects of the treatment of Jews (p. 23-24).

Despite all of this, he still takes time to appreciate the charitability and cheerfulness of these people. Our author does not often remark on the characteristics of the people he meets, and therefore one must imagine that he spent some good time with these banished people. He also does not discuss much of his personal experience, accounting for a lack of information about the practicalities of traveling through the city itself but being Jewish himself and spending time with the oppressed Jews, it is quite possible that Benjamin himself experienced this oppression firsthand, despite the fact that it is not mentioned.

Benjamin of Tudela seems to be consistently concerned with how Jews are living in the areas that he passes through, but also allows his eye to be caught by the flashiest parts of the city, primarily its wealth and public displays of power. There are also minor details that surprise, such as his descriptions of the Sea of Russia and the Sea of Sepharad, which seem to describe the bodies today known as the Black Sea and the Mediterranean or Marmara Sea respectively. His account also reflects the fact the way he viewed the “Greek Empire” (p. 19) is vastly different than the modern understanding of the Byzantine Empire. Nowhere is there a mention of Romans or Byzantium, and it seems that the majority of the city’s inhabitants were culturally Greek.

This particular account documents some moments in intense detail, and other facets of his travel such as the practicalities of living in the city are not mentioned at all. It’s difficult to discern who this may have been written for, but it seems like it would be best in helping Jews heading to the area know what to expect. Perhaps specifically Jewish merchants, since so much of his writing is concerned with how money is handled in Constantinople.

Mapping the Global Middle Ages