Fyodor Alexeyev, born in 1753 in the city of St. Petersburg, Russia. He was renown for his paintings of landscapes. Alexeyev was a student at the Saint Petersburg Academy of Arts. He later studied under revered Italian artists such as Guiseppi Moretti and Pietro Gaspari. His work became so popular that Emperor Paul of Russia and Catherine the Great requested paintings from him. He was described as a “master of the cityscape, one of the founders of the genre of landscape in Russian art.” (Artoftherussias.com) His paintings offer a rare window to the sight of what Moscow used to look like. Alexeyev passed away on November 23rd, 1824in St. Petersburg.
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Europe’s Economies after the First World War
When the Allies met in Paris to negotiate the terms for peace after the First World War, their main goal was ostentatiously to create stability in Europe, but each representative came to the table with his own specific interests in mind. This led to major issues in the Treaty of Versailles, such as its questionable economic feasibility. In his book, The Economic Consequences of the Peace, John Maynard Keynes discusses how the preoccupation of the Allies caused them to deal with economic issues using politics and without considering the future of Europe’s economies. While the Treaty of Versailles set many future events in motion, the economic turmoil it created was the most dramatic and disastrous effect it had on the European Continent.
As Mark Mazower writes in Dark Continent, “After the Great War, Europe’s economic life was in chaos.” He goes on to describe the hunger and rapidly falling prices that ensued in Europe following the war. (Mazower 104) Keynes elaborates on the same point, stating that, “In relation to other continents Europe is not self-sufficient; in particular it cannot feed itself.” The people of the industrialized cities of Europe need to obtain supplies like food from outside their cities if they are going to survive. When war breaks out, these supply lines are broken, and because of “… the interruption of the stream of supplies, a part of this population is deprived of its means of livelihood.”(Keynes) After the war, no agreement to eliminate economic tariffs is made, as was suggested by President Wilson in his Fourteen Points, causing even more economic stress in Europe.
A large part of the economic wrongdoing in the Treaty of Versailles was directed at Germany. Not only did Germany have to accept blame for the war, it also had to pay reparations to the Allies for the damage it caused. Germany was also stripped of its colonies, leaving it little economic prospect for paying the Allies. In response to these terms in the treaty, Count Brockdorff-Rantzau identified that the terms of the peace treaty would literally and economically starve Germany, and that, “Those who sign this Treaty will sign the death sentence of many millions of German men, women and children” (Keynes).
The Treaty of Versailles possessed many economic faults, and, writing in 1920, Keynes foreshadows many of the consequences that these faults will have on Europe. The treaty doesn’t help to restore Europe’s economic vitality or create stability in Central Europe, leaving Europe liable for depression and bloodshed.
Mazower Chapters 1-4 Review
In the first four chapters of Mark Mazower’s Dark Continent, Mazower brings the reader through an enlightening perspective of how fascism, communism, and liberalism molded the progression of twentieth century Europe. Mazower carefully crafts his explanation of the successes and failures of different Nations attempts to organize and modernize in an era with a newly found sense of nationalism and social hierarchy. Dark Continent extrapolates upon which economic policies and government types seemed ideal and which ones were effective for their time and place, and why.
Mazower puts a strong emphasis on the importance of fascist, socialist, and communist ideologies that were crucial for European development in the first half of the twentieth century. He explains why libertarianism, parliaments, and newfound constitutions, which seemed to be the right step forward, failed at the time. Mazower also illustrates why more seemingly primitive governmental structures prevailed. Dark Continent is the first book I have read which highlights the importance of fascism while simultaneously explaining the failures of libertarianism and capitalism.
Despite its stubborn density, the book keeps the reader entertained through a selection of commentary which ranges from legal theorists to poets which helps encapsulate the zeitgeist. The book’s sources are plentiful and legitimate. Mazower brilliantly blends primary and secondary sources in order to lay a strong historical foundation and brings it to life with outside anecdotes and remarks. For example, Mazower uses an amusing sarcastic comment from a critic of the French socialist leadership who wrote, “It was necessary to be prudent…We were not to advance towards power because that would be too dangerous; we would be crushed by the resistance of capitalism itself…We are to advance nowhere!” (p. 134). This quote enabled me to properly imagine the frustration that the French were feeling at the time. Mazower’s ability to consistently intertwine cultural emotions in a historical context is incredible.
The chapters are divided into subsections and occasional space breaks which helps enable the reader to switch tracks while maintaining focus. This is helpful because although it is well written, the rapid pace at which Mazower presents critical information can be daunting. The writing itself is very clear and concise, the organization of his ideas allow for a smooth read. I have yet to re-read anything under the impression that I missed something. Dark Continent is geared towards highly educated readers, and I would not recommend it to be applied to a pre-collegiate level audience. This is not a book which can be read passively.
Critical Summary of Dark Continent (Ch. 1-4) (Revision)
The opening four chapters of Mark Mazower’s Dark Continent provide a thoroughly informative analysis of early twentieth-century European governments that manages to be both balanced and provocative. By recounting the social, political, and economic climates of the continent’s constituent nations leading up to, during, and between the two world wars, Mazower examines the conditions that led to the establishment of Europe’s dominant governmental systems. The underlying thesis of these chapters is that democracy was not, as many historiographers have claimed, a foregone conclusion for Europe. Conversely, Mazower argues that the competing fascist and socialist efforts also vying for primacy during the interwar period seemed at times to be equally if not more viable options.
The author paints a portrait of Europe as a continent fraught with the challenge of establishing proficient governments. Beginning with the example of the Russian revolution, “liberalism’s first wartime triumph…and most frightening defeat,” Mazower categorically breaks down his period of interest, emphasizing a different perspective in each chapter (Mazower, 11). Chapter one discusses political theory primarily in terms of Europe’s endeavors with constitutional liberalism. Chapter two then focuses this scope to a geopolitical evaluation of the emergence of nationalism, flowing eloquently into chapter three’s analysis of the collective ideological shift toward socialist policies after World War I. Chapter four concludes this quartet with a survey of the role of economics in this period, particularly with regard to the various successes and failures of capitalism in dealing with postwar reconstruction.
Although these chapters do not provide comprehensive historiographical information on the subject matter, Mazower’s four-fronted approach does create a unique portrait of Europe’s “inter-war experiment with democracy” that would be an excellent introduction for a historical neophyte or a refreshing new perspective for a seasoned professional. The author expounds on his thesis by referencing a variety of historical sources (e.g. newspaper headlines, popular pamphlets, and relevant speeches) and contemporary commentaries (e.g. academic journal articles and historical books), including a number of translations from texts published in pertinent European languages (e.g. French, German, etc.) (Mazower, 5). While this thorough research lends credibility and color to the prose, the distribution of elements such as direct quotations and statistics is somewhat unbalanced at times, making some passages difficult to absorb in just one reading and leaving others lacking in support. Despite this, the end (in this case, the first four chapters as a whole) justifies the means; readers will lift their heads from these sometimes challenging pages stimulated and informed, but never bored.
Collectively, Dark Continent’s first four chapters establish Mazower’s distinctive interpretation of Europe’s attempts to settle into a stable state of government during the interwar period. They also simultaneously set the stage for the discussion of later chronological events such as the phenomenon of Nazism and the establishment of peace after World War II in subsequent chapters. Mazower’s synthesis of a large body of information into a tight and intellectually challenging work makes Dark Continent a worthwhile read appropriate for undergraduates, enthusiasts, and researchers alike.
Mazower’s Critical Summary (Chapter 1-4)
Mark Mazower’s first four chapters in his book Dark Continent illustrate the hardships, issues, changes, and efforts that nations had to endure post the First World War. These chapters are full of information and facts creating a clear picture of the social, political, and cultural problems occurring in Europe in the 20th century. Although Mazower clearly states important information, his text does seem to be lengthy.
Each of the four chapters depicts a different issue that occurred post WWI when Europe was trying to rebuild itself. The first chapter talks about the different forms of government, focusing on democracy. He goes into much detail about Russia and the Russian revolution. The second chapter talks about the triumph of nationalism, empires coming into action, and minorities wanting to be protected. The third chapter goes into detail about social policies and government initiatives for the populations. And finally, the fourth chapter talks about the chaos in the economy and trying to rebuild it as well as the rise of communism and issues that arose with it.
Mazower backs up all of his statements with evidence that is directly relevant to his topics. For example, when Mazower talks about the League of Nations and minorities starting to rise as a political problem since they wanted to have more power. He states: “The victor powers at Versailles tried a different approach- keeping minorities where they were, and giving them protection in international law to make sure they were properly treated so that in time they would acquire a sense of national belonging” (Mazower, 42). Mazower’s statements are clear and in order.
Throughout the four chapters Mazower text is very informative, but also extremely lengthy. For example, in chapter three, when he describes the new social policy of declining birth rates and regulating populations. From page 76-84 is his whole discussion on the issue of cutting back on the birth rate.
Overall, I believe Mark Mazower’s book Dark Continent is a very good book and is perfectly suited for a European history class. Mazower provides a lot of detail context, which makes it easy for students, especially those who aren’t history majors, to read along and understand what is going on.
Dark Continent Critical Summary
The first four chapters of Mark Mazower’s Dark Continent cover a vast range of topics pertaining to democracy, and general forms of leadership throughout the inter-war years. Several countries struggled to reform their own government, while simultaneously attempting to find a system that would work for the entire continent. According to Mazower, the inter-war period in Europe was a time of great instability, and a constant struggle between democracy and absolutism, and each country has its own specific history that ultimately impacted the continent as a whole.
Each chapter of Dark Continent has a broader theme, then Mazower provides a brief introduction, and goes on to divide the topic into sub-categories. At the end of each chapter, he concludes the topic neatly and concisely. This is a very useful method of depicting different events in history, because the reader is able to view the progression of a certain phenomenon while reading, and easily locate that information later. For example, the first chapter describes the rise and fall of democracy. Mazower takes the reader through the history middle-class reforms, the Soviet system, facism, political polarization and the eventual downfall of democracy. Though each specific story is incredibly specific, and somewhat circuitous, Mazower manages to present the information in such a way that allows the reader to understand several different angles of one overarching topic.
Mazower also succeeds in producing a book that discusses a rare period of history in Europe: the inter-war era. Many sources describing European history throughout the early- to mid-1900 are focus primarily on the first and second World Wars. However, Mazower provides an invaluable glimpse into European history between the wars. For example, instead of writing about Hitler’s Germany within the context of World War II, he described Hitlerism’s antagonistic relationship with the League of Nations, and how this impacted Europe as a whole. The comparison between Hitlerism and the League of Nations, and many other crucial elements of European history, are not often discussed because they tend to be overshadowed by the two World Wars.
I would recommend Dark Continent to any undergraduate, graduate student, or anybody who is interested in learning about this fascinating era following World War I. Mazower succeeds in presenting his ideas in an organized, concise and entertaining way.
Critical Summary
Mark Mazower’s text Dark Continent gives readers a panoramic view of the conflicts that Europe faced during the turbulent inter war period. The first four chapters cover a plethora of topics including racism, religion, eugenics, and many more. Mazower’s ability to tie these issues together is a testament to his skill as a writer and its what makes this book such a fascinating read. Throughout the book Mazower seems to tie all of his points to the larger idea that Europe’s inability to adapt to the idea of democracy led to the rising radicalization of almost all of Europe, with countries on the right like Germany, and Italy, or the left like Russia, and Hungry experiencing many of the same issues.
The inter war period was a dynamic time of extreme adjustment, controversy, and volatility throughout Europe. Issues such as the fall of the imperial powers, financial crisis, and rising nationalism, were brought to the forefront during this polarized time. Mazower theorizes that the conflicts in places such as Germany, Austria, Hungry, and Russia were not unique to each one, but rather he focused on the common fundamental issues facing these countries, organizing his text by theme rather than chronology. In all these nations existed a populous that shared the ideals of the Western powers–particularly Britain, France, the United States, and Switzerland–such as democracy and liberalism. These ideals, however, applied to a continent ravaged by war and occupied largely by a working class that preferred an increase in wages, to constitutional liberties, were ambitious and utopian. Attempting to break free from these ideals, Germany, Italy, Russia and many more countries turned to radicalism and violence to achieve there goal of dominance of there own populous and also the Europe as a whole.
At one time or another there where liberal democracies set up in all of Europe’s countries. However the failure of these democracies in countries like Russia led to a rise of radicalism, “His triumph, like Mussolini’s later from the Right, was really the consequence of liberalism’s failure” (Mazower P.11). This quote by Mazower is talking about Lenin and his success in Russia, however it can be used to describe many of the European democracies who let radicals like Lenin, Mussolini, and Hitler step into power gap’s left by these democracies. The Parliament’s of these countries where described by Mazower as so “Parliament seemed like a lens, magnifying rather than resolving the bitter social, national and economic tensions in society at large.” This view of Parliament although harsh was very true and, further illuminates the failure of “liberal democracy”.
Overall I highly recommend Mazower’s text to all who have a interest in this period. Although some of the information in this book are more for students of the undergraduate and beyond level, I cannot thing of a reason for any avid history buff to not have this text on their reading list. In one volume of around five hundred pages it is able to give a rather varied and compressive history of twentieth century Europe, a topic that could take volumes to write about.
Ivan Kramskoy: Life and Works
Ivan Kramskoy was born in 1837 in Ostrogozhsk, Voronezh Governorate, in the Russian Empire. He was born to a lower class family and did not begin painting until he was fifteen. At fifteen, he became an apprentice to a painter. In 1857, after he discovered his love for art, he got the opportunity to study at the Academy of Arts, in St. Petersburg. In 1863, Kramskoy went to St. Petersburg to be a part of the Team of Artists. This was a group that lived together and shared their works with one another. During his time in this household, he also taught at the School of the Society for Promoting of the Artists.
Kramskoy was famous for his portraits and often got commissioned for them. Russian society felt that his portraits captured the Russian history and culture of that time. After Kramskoy traveled around Europe, he created the Itinerants’ Society of Traveling Exhibitions. Kramskoy’s purpose of this society was to educate Russians with contemporary art, culminate a love for art in Russian society, and stimulate the economy for artists. One of Kramskoy’s most famous works is Christ in the Wilderness. He painted this masterpiece in 1872. The clarity of Kramskoy’s portraits brings realism to the subject, shedding light on Russian society. Kramskoy died at the easel in 1887.
1863, Sophia Kramskaya Reading
1872, Christ in the Wilderness
Critical Summary of Mazower
The first four chapters of Mark Mazower’s Dark Continent serve as a well-written history of the changing bureaucracy, nationalism, economic and political shifts in Europe during the first half of the twentieth century. Within the book he critically examines the cultural roots leading to the political outcomes and ravaging effects seen throughout the changing countryside. He argues that the First World War and Treaty of Versailles lead to a new Europe of revolutions, reform and public uprisings that eventually lead to economic disaster. This change to the political system precipitated Hitler and Stalin’s Europe. Specifically, his analysis focuses on the weak political systems inability to adequately supervise and institute control over the populations.
Mazower’s work does a fantastic job in the analysis, and does not simply dwell on the hard facts on what lead up to the first and second World War. It is always tempting to write a simple chronology of events. The focus on the connection between social and political events largely bypasses the large section of World War One and instead examines the developing relationship between people and government.
Dark Continent’s writing uses very complex and specific logical arguments. Often they are long thematically and multifaceted including many points. However his connections build on one another culminating in an interesting perspective that helps one understand turn-of-the-century Europe. While the complex argument usually makes logical sense, it requires a slow and thoughtful time while reading in order to not lose the overall theme. Too often he becomes long winded, and his breaking down the specifics and evidence becomes slightly redundant at times.
The sources Mazower uses in his writing are a great benefit towards his argument. The research put into his work shows a significant amount of both primary and secondary sources. He does grace the more visual learners with maps, but fails to utilize photos and images of evidence providing less well-rounded evidence. Dark Continent is written post Cold War so the benefits of an open Soviet and Eastern European archives allow a more complete picture of tensions and events. This probably led to his focus on Eastern Europe and the USSR, since in previous works Western Europe social and political relations have been examined more significantly.
Overall Mazower develops an interesting focal point from which to see the development of Europe through the twentieth century. He examines the history in a different way, finding new informed connections. His structure is inherently dissimilar than most, with a broader and overarching aspect for the cause and effect of war and other major events. Well sourced and thought out, the book gives a fresh spin to early European social political relationships.
Critical Summary of Chapters 1-4 of Mark Mazower’s Dark Continent
The first four chapters of Mark Mazower’s Dark Continent proves to be both an informative and transformative excerpt from this book. The chapters clear up all misconceptions that, through a series of certain calculated events, fascism somehow prevailed over democracy and therefore World War II was inevitable. However, it is discovered that fascism was not a dark blip in Europe’s modern history. These chapters take a thematic approach, rather than a territorial approach, to explain exactly what was happening in both Western and Eastern Europe that led to both the development and breakdown of the democratic system and the rise of authoritarian powers.
This thematic approach may prove beneficial for a reader looking for common themes across several different countries. However, it may also be very confusing especially when Mazower is talking about England in one paragraph, and Hungary in the next. Similarly, some countries such as Russia and Germany are talked about far more than others. However, due to the nature of what was happening in those territories at the time, it can be understood that the events that took place there were talked about in more detail than others since the themes talked about, such as communism or nationalism, often happened in those countries at their core. Despite Mazower’s sometimes unbalanced way of looking at certain events, I found that the most beneficial part of this book was how the content was organized within the individual themes. For example, in Chapter 3, the topic of Eugenics comes up frequently, leading to a further discussion about racism. Mazower breaks this down with how each country dealt with it. Countries such as Poland, Hungary, Germany, and Greece were hard supporters of racist ideals such as anti-semitism. However, France and Britain saw both sides of the issue. He goes on to explain exactly what this meant for country policies and the Eugenics movement at this time.
The book does an especially great job at supporting it’s thesis’ with evidence from countless outside sources. They come from everywhere; constitutions, treaties, scholars from several different countries, journalists, critics, the leaders themselves, and so on. These sources collectively support the same ideas Mazower is trying to get through to us. The main theme of the book can always be found in his supporting arguments and sources. Democracy sometimes fails.
Dark Continent was written for an audience with a basic knowledge of European history. For this reason, I can absolutely recommend this book for undergraduates. These chapters, for me, took what I learned in secondary school and added details and context to the basic facts. The most important thing these chapters can do is explain the reasons for the area in history Europe wants to so desperately forget. “The reason why ‘fascisms’ come into being, is the political and social failure of liberal democracy’. (p. 17)